ALSO BY DAVID S HEIDLER AND JEANNE T HEIDLER Old Hickory’s War: Andrew Jackson and the Quest for Empire Encyclopedia of the American Civil War (editors) Encyclopedia of the War of 1812 (editors) The War of 1812 Daily Life in the Early American Republic, 1790–1820: Creating a New Nation The Mexican War Manifest Destiny Indian Removal For Sarah Daniel Twiggs, mother to us, friend to all, in calm laughter and gentle grace, like Lucretia Contents Prologue The Slashes “My Hopes Were More than Realized” “Puppyism” The Hawk and the Gambler Uncompromising Compromiser “I Injured Both Him and Myself” Photo Insert A Thousand Cuts Losing the Bank, Saving the Union Whig 10 “I Had Rather Be Right than Be President” 11 Three Campaigns Photo Insert 12 Four Letters 13 “Death, Ruthless Death” 14 The Last Gamble 15 “What Prodigies Arise” 16 “The Best & Almost Only True Friend” Acknowledgments Notes Bibliography Prologue B struck noon, Washington’s church bells began to toll, a signal to the capital that it was over The telegraph sent the news across the country, and bells began to ring in cities and towns from the Atlantic coast to the deep interior One of those rst telegrams was sent to Lexington, Kentucky: “My father is no more He has passed without pain into eternity.”1 Soon that message was speeding to the house nearby called Ashland, where an old woman at last had the hard news she had been expecting for months Her husband of more than fty years was dead Lucretia Clay was a widow The bells in Lexington were already ringing Henry Clay was dead Shop owners across the country paused to stare brie y into the distance before pulling shades and locking doors Men re exively pulled watches from their vest pockets and noted the time The immediacy of the news was sobering Clay had died at seventeen minutes after eleven that very morning of June 29, 1852 Only a few years before, reports of his death would have seeped out of Washington only as fast as the post o ce and knowledgeable travelers could carry them People on rivers would have heard about it rst, possibly in days, but days would have stretched into weeks before most people learned that the greatest political gure in the nation was dead Time would have cushioned the blow, weakening its power until it became a piece of history, something that had happened a long way off, a long time ago The telegraph made the news of Clay’s death instant and therefore indelible Only hours passed before cities from Maine to Missouri began draping themselves in crepe and men from Savannah to St Louis began pulling on black armbands Washington, already slowed by summer’s heat, came to a halt President Millard Fillmore shut down the government, and Congress immediately adjourned Members scattered to boardinghouses, hotels, and taverns, some to draft eulogies they would deliver the next day in the legislative chambers that Henry Clay had deftly managed for almost a half century Even after sunset, the bells continued to ring Cannon at the Navy Yard were firing.2 On June 30, the House of Representatives and the Senate heard recollections of Henry Clay His passing was not unexpected—he had lain ill in his rooms at the National Hotel for months, and his visitors had been on what amounted to a deathwatch for weeks—but the expectation did not make its actual occurrence any less piercing The sense that Clay’s death was ending a momentous chapter in the country’s history was also sobering A little more than two years before, Clay’s celebrated contemporary John C Calhoun had died, and another, Daniel Webster, was gradually succumbing to maladies that were soon to carry him o as well These three had become the fabled Great Triumvirate of American government More than EFORE THE CLOCKS mere symbols of the Republic, they became personi cations of it The South Carolinian Calhoun was the South with its growing frustrations and emerging belligerency over the slavery issue New England’s Webster had become the icting ambiguities of the North with its moral repugnance over slavery and its allegiance to a country constitutionally bound to slavery’s preservation And the Kentuckian Clay was that national ambiguity de ned He was a westerner from the South Yet he was not southern, because he deplored slavery His owning slaves, however, meant that he was not northern When an admirer said that “you nd nothing that is not essentially AMERICAN in his life,” it was meant as a compliment in a divisively sectional time, but in retrospect it was also a warning to the country Like Henry Clay, it could not long continue to own slaves while denouncing slavery.3 When Congress met on June 30, however, it was more in the mood to celebrate Clay’s life than to nd portents in his death Some members quoted poetry; some of it was good Several remarked on his humble birth and his admirable e orts to rise above it, a theme that had already become an American political staple by the midnineteenth century, an obligatory credential for establishing one’s relationship with “the people.” And though in some cases, such as Clay’s, it was an exaggeration for election campaigns, he had indeed risen, and no less spectacularly because he started from relative comfort rather than poverty His success resulted from ceaseless labor and fastidious attention to detail Kentuckian Joseph Underwood reminded the Senate that Clay had been neat in everything from his handkerchiefs to his handwriting Underwood was not just talking about wardrobes and penmanship.4 All realized, some grudgingly, that Clay had become a great statesman They also had to admit—again, some grudgingly—that he had been usually a jovial adversary with his opponents and always an endearing companion to his friends New York Whig William Seward, destined to become Abraham Lincoln’s secretary of state, did not particularly like or admire Clay, but he nevertheless dubbed him “the Prince of the Senate” and recalled that his “conversation, his gesture, his very look, was persuasive, seductive, irresistible.” A House Democrat paid tribute to the peerless orator for “the silvery tones of his bewitching voice,” and a Kentucky Whig said “he reminded us of those days when there were giants in the land,” concluding with Shakespeare’s Antony describing Caesar with “say to all the world, This was a man!”5 The reference to Caesar was ironic The closest thing to an American Caesar in Clay’s time had been his most implacable foe, Andrew Jackson “For near a quarter of a century,” Virginia’s Charles Faulkner observed, “this great Republic has been convulsed to its centre by the great divisions which have sprung from their respective opinions, policy, and personal destinies.”6 But that didn’t say the half of it Andrew Jackson’s shadow had cast a pall over Clay’s political life for more than a quarter century in some way or other, starting with Clay’s criticism of Jackson’s foray into Florida in 1818, their rivalry in the 1824 presidential contest, and clashes during Jackson’s presidency that included the titanic struggle over the national bank, a political brawl so devastating that it was called a war Clay had lost that war In fact, he had lost almost every time he challenged Andrew Jackson, and worse, he was de ned for many Americans by the accusation Jackson and his friends leveled at Clay in 1825 He had, they said, entered into a “corrupt bargain” with John Quincy Adams to give Adams the presidency in exchange for Clay’s appointment as secretary of state, a presumed springboard to the presidency This example of what Americans now call the politics of personal destruction was called by Clay’s generation simple candor by his foes, base slander by his friends The argument over who was right would outlive both Jackson, who died in 1845, and Clay, but as his colleagues took the measure of his life on that hot June day, the question momentarily became irrelevant When John Breckinridge, a young Democrat from Clay’s Kentucky, proclaimed that Clay had been “in the public service for fty years, and never attempted to deceive his countrymen,” it was a slightly oblique jab at Jackson and the charge he had perpetuated Walker Brooke reminded the Senate and James Brooks the House of Clay’s famous response when advised to modify his principles for political advantage: “Sir, I had rather be right than be President.” Clay’s repeated failures as a presidential aspirant are evidence that he apparently meant it Yet Clay’s principles had never made him in exible or doctrinaire, an ine ective posture for a party leader Twenty years earlier, he had shaped the faction opposed to Andrew Jackson into a political party Its members became known as Whigs because just as the Whigs of England had objected to the unchecked power of the throne, the American Whigs resisted “King Andrew’s” excessive assumption of authority Abraham Venable noted that Clay was a highly successful party leader, his “plastic touch” almost always shaping Whig plans and purposes Another speaker praised his ability to “relax the rigor of his policy” if it endangered the government and the nation.7 Those traits had earned his reputation as a political peacemaker He was the “Great Compromiser” and the “Great Paci cator,” labels applied as tributes to a man who had always pursued political goals within the limits of the possible Congress had the evidence for that in the most recent clash over slavery that had almost destroyed the Union Clay, gravely ill and fading daily, had helped to save the country from that crisis in his last public act These men now contemplating his death were ready to see that gesture as one of singular sel essness, a labor that had hastened a frail old man’s demise, making him a martyr to the cause of Union, “a holy sacri ce to his beloved country.”8 We know now what they could not imagine Clay’s sacri ce was ultimately in vain, and the ungainly compromise he had helped cobble together was already unraveling as he died The country had no more compromises in it, and only nine years later, the Union that Clay knew and loved would disappear The congressional eulogies on June 30 contained subtle hints of the divisions that would nally split that Union and turn its political arguments into a civil war Of the thirteen eulogies in the House of Representatives, all but three were delivered by Whigs, and they were mostly from the East Not a single New Englander rose to praise Henry Clay, and aside from two representatives from Kentucky, only congressmen from Tennessee and Indiana, both Whigs, spoke for the West No representative from the Deep South spoke for Clay The only southerners who did so were from Virginia, North Carolina, and Maryland Many in the House apparently followed the rule that when unable to say anything good, one should say nothing at all The time was fast coming—perhaps it had already arrived—when even a Great Paci cator could not soothe such troubled political waters One Democrat even tinged his remarks with mild spite Virginia senator Robert M T Hunter was still smarting from the bruising ght over the Compromise of 1850 and could not keep from reciting a series of backhanded compliments that damned with faint praise: Clay was not well educated but had managed to achieve success anyway; clearly past his prime, he had soldiered on; never bright or prescient, he at least had never exaggerated matters for political e ect Hunter closed by inviting the Senate to gaze upon the ghost of the Democrat Calhoun, the man Hunter clearly regarded as a genuine intellect and great statesman.9 Some muttered about Clay’s popularity in death spanning the political breach and took small comfort in the reality that it was bad form to speak ill of the dead Four days after the congressional eulogies, Democrat newspaper editor Francis Preston Blair privately groused that Democrats had made the best speeches but had apparently forgotten that Clay was a Whig.10 Nobody could forget, however, that Clay was a friendly, persistently cheerful man whose mark on the country was as indelible as his in uence on its politics was profound “The good and great can never die,” said Walker Brooke, and Maryland’s Richard J Bowie observed that Clay’s “name is a household word, his thoughts are familiar sentences.” But Alabama senator Jeremiah Clemens, who happened to be a Democrat, spoke the simplest and most poignant sentiment, because it was the most personal He had disagreed with Henry Clay about almost everything, but that was of no relevance now “To me,” Clemens said simply, “he was something more than kind.”11 Clay came to the Capitol for the last time Overnight, Washington had dressed its buildings in black As dignitaries spent the morning gathering at the National Hotel, the church bells resumed their tolling, and the cannon at the Navy Yard began ring as they had the previous night, one report every sixty seconds, hence their label as minute guns All ags were at half-sta It was 11:00 A.M., and the day was steaming hot, making black attire even more oppressive It took an hour to organize everyone, but at noon the procession nally moved out for the Capitol, only a few blocks to the east It headed up Pennsylvania Avenue behind two military companies and a regimental band setting a slow pace with dirges and mu ed drums The Senate Committee on Arrangements, wearing white scarves, and the Senate pallbearers with black scarves, led the funeral car, an elaborate creation covered in black cloth, its corners decorated by gilded torches wrapped in crepe, silver stars fastened to its sides, and a canopy of intertwined black and white silk arching over the co n Six white horses, each attended by a groom dressed in THE NEXT MORNING white, pulled the car up the avenue A silent multitude lined the route The slow pace took the procession almost an hour to cover the short distance to the Capitol’s portico that opened to the Rotunda President Fillmore, cabinet o cers, and the diplomatic corps entered the Senate chamber at 12:20 P.M., and shortly afterward they were followed by the congressional chaplains, the pallbearers and the casket, Clay’s son Thomas, friends, senators, representatives, Supreme Court justices, judges, senior military o cers, mayors from Washington and other major cities, civic groups, and militiamen The absolute silence of such a large gathering, especially among the citizens packing the gallery above, was eerie As the casket was brought in, the imposing gure of Senate chaplain Charles M Butler, clad in high canonical robes, stepped forward and broke the hush: “I am the resurrection and the life, saith the Lord.”12 The co n was placed in the center of the chamber It was a distracting novelty, made of metal shaped to resemble the human form and with weighty silver mountings and handles A large, thick silver plate bore the inscription HENRY CLAY, and another just above it could be removed to reveal the corpse’s face under a glass pane, a practice to make sure that the encased body really was lifeless in order to avoid the nineteenth century’s greatest nightmare, being buried alive The president and Speaker of the House sat nearest the co n at the center Senators, diplomats, family, and friends formed a semicircle just beyond Congressmen and visiting dignitaries lled the outermost circles.13 The Reverend Dr Butler was Clay’s friend He performed the service as much from a ection for the deceased as from his o cial duty as the Senate’s chaplain He began by noting how di erent people would remember di erent Henry Clays There was the Clay of youth and ambition, the Clay of great accomplishment and renown, the Clay of the sickroom, feeble but cheerful, and the Clay who rose to defend the beleaguered Union But there was also the Henry Clay who had embodied all that was great and good about America Butler invoked Jeremiah, chapter 48, verse 17, to describe this universal recollection of Henry Clay as “the strong sta ” adorned with “the beautiful rod” of patriotism He spoke of a nation in mourning, its cities silent but for pealing bells, an entire country swathed in crepe, its commerce stilled and its citizens re ecting on the sobering loss and the nality of burying Henry Clay “Burying HENRY CLAY !” Butler roared “Bury the records of your country’s history—bury the hearts of living millions—bury the mountains, the rivers, the lakes, and the spreading lands from sea to sea, with which his name is inseparably associated, and even then you would not bury HENRY CLAY—for he lives in other lands, and speaks in other tongues, and to other times than ours.”14 As Butler spoke, Francis Preston Blair in the gallery scanned the assembly His eyes found Daniel Webster among the cabinet, the last of the Great Triumvirate, now in his nal days serving as Millard Fillmore’s secretary of state Blair saw in Webster’s face haunting, inconsolable sadness.15 Daniel Webster himself had less than four months to Holt, Michael F The 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a Second War with Great Britain.” Southern Speech Communication Journal 37 (1972): 402–12 Wire, Richard Arden “John M Clayton and Whig Politics During the Second Jackson Administration.” Delaware History 18 (1978): 1–16 Theses and Dissertations Bright-Levy, Wendy S “Ashland, the Henry Clay Estate, as House Museum: Private Home and Public Destination.” M.A thesis, University of Kentucky, 2008 Connelly, Maris Stella “The Letters and European Travel Journal of James A Bayard, 1812–1815.” Ph.D dissertation, Boston University, 2007 Maness, Lonnie Edward “Henry Clay and the Problem of Slavery.” Ph.D dissertation, Memphis State University, 1980 Rigali, James Henry “Restoring the Republic of Virtue: The Presidential Election of 1824.” Ph.D dissertation, University of Washington, 2004 Spiller, Roger J “John C Calhoun as Secretary of War, 1817–1825.” Ph.D dissertation, Louisiana State University Press, 1977 ABOUT THE AUTHORS DAVID S HEIDLER and JEANNE T HEIDLER have written numerous scholarly books and articles dealing with the history of the early American republic, the antebellum period, and the Civil War David is associated with the Department of History at Colorado State University–Pueblo, and Jeanne is professor of history at the United States Air Force Academy, where she is the senior civilian member of her department Copyright © 2010 by David Heidler and Jeanne Heidler All rights reserved Published in the United States by Random House, an imprint of The Random House Publishing Group, a division of Random House, Inc., New York RANDOM HOUSE and colophon are registered trademarks of Random House, Inc LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Heidler, David Stephen Henry Clay: the essential American / David S Heidler and Jeanne T Heidler p cm eISBN: 978-1-58836-995-6 Henry Clay, 1777–1852 Legislators—United States—Biography United States Congress—Biography United States—Politics and government—1815–1861 I Heidler, Jeanne T II Title E340.C6H45 2010 328.092—dc22 [B] www.atrandom.com v3.0 2009027872 ... open feather beds It snowed feathers in the yard as they emptied the mattresses out the windows Others chased chickens to kill and throw across their saddles They rounded up some of the slaves... ringing steadily again, and the passengers moved away from the rail The crew, familiar with the towns along the route, could have told them the name of the place with the girls It was Rising Sun,... BY DAVID S HEIDLER AND JEANNE T HEIDLER Old Hickory’s War: Andrew Jackson and the Quest for Empire Encyclopedia of the American Civil War (editors) Encyclopedia of the War of 1812 (editors) The