Sexual violence evidence based policy and prevention

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Elizabeth L. Jeglic · Cynthia Calkins Editors Sexual Violence Evidence Based Policy and Prevention Sexual Violence Elizabeth L Jeglic Cynthia Calkins • Editors Sexual Violence Evidence Based Policy and Prevention 123 Editors Elizabeth L Jeglic John Jay College of Criminal Justice New York, NY USA ISBN 978-3-319-44502-1 DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-44504-5 Cynthia Calkins John Jay College of Criminal Justice New York, NY USA ISBN 978-3-319-44504-5 (eBook) Library of Congress Control Number: 2016948227 © Springer International Publishing AG 2016 This work is subject to copyright All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made Printed on acid-free paper This Springer imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland This book is dedicated to those who have been affected by sexual violence and to all who continue to fight for a safer world for our children We also dedicate this book to our patient and supportive husbands—Steve and Ruben—who allow us to the work that we v Acknowledgments We would like to thank Alexandra Holtzman and Sean McKinley for their dedication and assistance in the publication of this book vii Contents Starting the Conversation: A Shift in Paradigm Elizabeth L Jeglic and Cynthia Calkins Overview of Sexual Offender Typologies, Recidivism, and Treatment Brandy L Blasko Part I 11 Sex Offender Policies Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA) Kristen Zgoba and Deborah Ragbir 33 Residence Restrictions Jill S Levenson and Claudia P Vicencio 51 Civil Commitment of Sexual Predators Michelle A Cubellis and Andrew J Harris 67 Internet Sexual Offender Laws Ashley Spada 81 The Use of Electronic Monitoring as a Supervision Tool Stephen V Gies 95 Introduction to Part II 119 Alexandra Holtzman and Sean McKinley Part II Prevention The Public Health Approach to Preventing Sexual Violence 129 Ryan T Shields and Kenneth A Feder 10 Situational Prevention Approaches 145 Stephen Smallbone ix x Contents 11 Community-Level Approaches to Prevent Sexual Violence 161 Sarah DeGue, Tracy N Hipp and Jeffrey H Herbst 12 Effective or Not? Measuring Outcomes of Sexual Violence Primary Prevention Programs 181 Gwenda M Willis and Natalie S Germann 13 “Coaching Boys into Men”: A Social Norms Change Approach to Sexual Violence Prevention 227 Elizabeth Miller, Maria Catrina D Jaime and Heather M McCauley 14 Proactive Strategies to Prevent Child Sexual Abuse and the Use of Child Abuse Images: The German Dunkelfeld-Project for Adults (PPD) and Juveniles (PPJ) 249 Klaus M Beier 15 Help Wanted: Young Pedophiles and the Importance of Primary Prevention 273 Luke Malone 16 Holding Our Sexual Violence Policy Accountable 285 Eric S Janus 17 The Economics of Sex Offender Policy and Prevention 305 Anthony D Perillo 18 Strategies to Combat Sexual Violence: The Need for a Menu of Informed Choices 325 Cynthia Calkins and Elizabeth L Jeglic Index 335 Editors and Contributors About the Editors Elizabeth L Jeglic is Professor of Psychology at John Jay College Her research interests include evidence-based sex offender legislation, and sex offender assessment and treatment She teaches an MA level class on the treatment and rehabilitation of offenders She is on the editorial board of Psychology, Public Policy and the Law and Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment and a member of the Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers and the American Psychology and Law Society Cynthia Calkins is Professor of Psychology at John Jay College She is interested in the empirical evidence underlying sex offender policy and the prevention of sexual violence She teaches a class each semester on the evaluation of sex offenders She is also on the editorial board of Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment Last, she is a member of the Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers and the American Psychology and Law Society Contributors Klaus M Beier Department of Health and Human Sciences, Institute of Sexology and Sexual Medicine, Charité—Universitätsmedizin Berlin, Berlin, Germany Brandy L Blasko Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology, Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, USA Cynthia Calkins Department of Psychology, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, New York, NY, USA Michelle A Cubellis Central Connecticut State University, New Britain, USA xi xii Editors and Contributors Sarah DeGue Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Division of Violence Prevention, Atlanta, GA, USA Kenneth A Feder Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD, USA Natalie S Germann School of Psychology, University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand Stephen V Gies Development Services Group, Inc., Bethesda, MD, USA Andrew J Harris University of Massachusetts Lowell, Lowell, USA Jeffrey H Herbst Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Division of Violence Prevention, Atlanta, GA, USA Tracy N Hipp Department of Psychology, Georgia State University, Atlanta, GA, USA Alexandra Holtzman John Jay College of Criminal Justice, New York, USA Maria Catrina D Jaime Division of Adolescent and Young Adult Medicine, Children’s Hospital of Pittsburgh of UPMC, Pittsburgh, USA; Department of Pediatrics, University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine, Pittsburgh, USA Eric S Janus Mitchell Hamline School of Law, St Paul, MN, USA Elizabeth L Jeglic Department of Psychology, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, New York, NY, USA Jill S Levenson Barry University, Miami Shores, FL, USA Luke Malone New York, USA Heather M McCauley Division of Adolescent and Young Adult Medicine, Children’s Hospital of Pittsburgh of UPMC, Pittsburgh, USA; Department of Pediatrics, University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine, Pittsburgh, USA Sean McKinley John Jay College of Criminal Justice, New York, USA Elizabeth Miller Division of Adolescent and Young Adult Medicine, Children’s Hospital of Pittsburgh of UPMC, Pittsburgh, USA; Department of Pediatrics, University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine, Pittsburgh, USA Anthony D Perillo Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Indiana, PA, USA Deborah Ragbir Rutgers University, New Brunswick, USA Ryan T Shields Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD, USA Stephen Smallbone Griffith Criminology Institute, Brisbane, Australia 17 The Economics of Sex Offender Policy and Prevention 321 programs, thereby inadvertently stifling our overall ability to reduce sexual violence Researchers with access to outcome and economic data are encouraged to incorporate ROI analysis into evaluations of sex offender policy efforts Future economic analysis of sex offender policies should examine ROIs both in general and compared to other programs with a prior record of positive returns (i.e., treatment-focused programs) Research suggests that, in their current forms, treatment-oriented programs with empirically supported focuses have higher prospects for effectively and efficiently addressing sex offending than SVP commitment, RCNLs, or Residence Restrictions Regardless of the empirical support for a program, however, public support for programs is more associated with perceptions of fairness than actual effectiveness Although this bears little impact on the actual economic investigations conducted on sex offender polices, researchers communicating economic findings to the public should be mindful that, given public attitudes toward sex offenders (e.g., Payne et al 2010), the public may be willing to accept less economic return for practices that appear to follow a “tough on crime” approach Three additional considerations are necessary for future economic analyses of sex offender policy First, inclusion of intangible costs and/or benefits will offer a more thorough look into the overall impact of programs aimed at reducing sexual violence The costs of sexual violence go beyond those monetarily associated with follow-up incarceration Sexual violence can cause significant suffering for the victim and local community Converting such intangible costs into a monetary value can be complex but is necessary for a more comprehensive economic analysis Techniques such as those used by Donato and Shanahan (2001), who calculated victim suffering based on damages awarded to sexual abuse victims in civil suits, may better assess the overall economic impact of a program Second, ROIs of programs should clarify how significant a reduction of recidivism would be necessary to offset current costs and, for programs at a net loss, the extent of cost cuts needed to balance the current program benefits Finally, economic investigations of current sex offender policies should consider calculating projective ROIs that may offer insight into the conditions that would make current programs more economically effective investments For example, projective ROI analysis of RCNLs may present different pictures of economic effectiveness as a function of the offender subgroups included (e.g., only applying RCNLs to offenders with child, stranger victims), the frequency at which registered offenders must report and confirm registration, and length of time on the registry Such adjustments would further clarify if modifications to current sex offender policy efforts may increase their economic effectiveness and, in turn, strengthen our ability to effectively and efficiently prevent sexual violence 322 A.D Perillo References Aos, D., & Drake, E (2013) Prison, police, and programs: Evidence-based options that reduce crime and save money (Doc No 13-11-1901) Olympia, WA: Washington State Institute for Public Policy Bates, A., Williams, D., Wilson, C., & Wilson, R J (2014) Circles South East: The first 10 years 2002-2012 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 58, 861–885 doi:10.1177/0306624X13485362 Calkins, C., Jeglic, E., Beattey, R A., Zeidman, S., & Perillo, A D (2014) Sexual violence legislation: A review of case law and empirical research Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 20, 443–462 doi:10.1037/law0000027 Chajewski, M., & Mercado, C C (2009) An evaluation of sex offender residency restriction functioning 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Assessing the Practical and Monetary Efficacy Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice Chapter 18 Strategies to Combat Sexual Violence: The Need for a Menu of Informed Choices Cynthia Calkins and Elizabeth L Jeglic Admirably, we as a society are very concerned about sexual violence In our not-so-distant past, sexual abuse was seldom talked about or seldom reported, and few researchers devoted time to understanding its prevalence, causes, or consequences Erroneous beliefs about sex offenders and misconceptions about the typical nature of sex crimes led to ill-informed legislative strategies that, in many cases, seem to more harm than good (see Chaps 3–7 for review) However, as you read in Part II of this book, emerging evidence suggests better ways to deal with the problem of sexual violence That said, it is not always clear which choices will the most good per dollar spent Stakeholders charged with allocating funds or legislators tasked with adopting or modifying policy need to have a clear menu of choices; choices that present with associated costs and expected benefits At present, no clear menu of options exists for those whose job it is to make these important decisions What we have set out to in this book is to make that menu of options—and their associated costs, benefits, and in some cases drawbacks— more readily available Methodologically speaking, it is not an easy task to test how well a policy works to impact sexual violence But patterns of results from multiple studies give us insights into how, if at all, policy measures impact recidivism and what the related consequences of those measures are In this book, we presented what is known about these policies and provided cost estimates where available Though clear fiscal data is sometimes lacking, we developed our recommendations based upon cost estimates alongside empirical data that conveys how well the policy works—or does not work—to lower the incidence of sexual violence C Calkins Á E.L Jeglic (&) Department of Psychology, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, 524 West 59th Street, New York, NY 10019, USA e-mail: ejeglic@jjay.cuny.edu C Calkins e-mail: cmercado@jjay.cuny.edu © Springer International Publishing AG 2016 E.L Jeglic and C Calkins (eds.), Sexual Violence, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-44504-5_18 325 326 C Calkins and E.L Jeglic Strategies not Supported by Data As was reviewed in Part I of this book, the majority of sex offender legislation currently in place is falsely premised on the stranger danger notion of offending Basing legislative strategies on highly atypical offense patterns has, unfortunately, led us to target exceptions to the rule, often those cases that make headlines or send a particular kind of chill down the collective spine of us as a society While it is natural to want to something—anything—in the wake of a terrible sexual assault, reactionary policies that stem from these statistically infrequent events have led us to focus on extraordinary offenses while ignoring the ordinary types of sex crimes that may not make headlines, but make up the lion’s share of offenses that occur Residence restrictions, which target statistically rare sorts of offenses that happen in public places, are perhaps the policy least supported by data Far less than one percent of all offenses are perpetrated by a stranger against a child victim in places typically restricted under residence restriction legislation, and most of these are not recidivistic offenses (Calkins et al 2015) As noted by Levenson and Vicencio in Chap 4, residence restrictions are among the most “sorely misguided” of policy measures given that there is no known relationship between sexual recidivism and proximity to places where children congregate (Colorado Department of Public Safety 2004; Minnesota Department of Corrections 2003, 2007; Nobles et al 2012; Socia 2012; Zandbergen et al 2010) In Chap 17, Anthony Perillo describes residence restrictions as “poor investments.” Indeed, residence restrictions appear to be a rather unfavorable policy option, a particularly bad way to spend money if you really want to reduce the occurrence of sexual violence Registration and Notification laws seem only marginally better As Zgoba and Ragbir in Chap note, “the majority of studies have found that SORN laws have little to no impact on reducing rates of recidivism.” As Perillo notes in Chap 17, SORN laws cost states millions of dollars annually and yet are not applicable to 95 % of the sex crimes that occur in a given year Even the most optimistic view of research findings would probably suggest that SORN laws come at a considerable cost with very little return on investment As such, SORN laws are not a good use of resources to combat the problem of sexual violence As described by Cubellis and Harris in Chap 5, Sexually Violent Predator (SVP) statutes offer very little bang for the buck in terms of fixing the problem of sexual violence Unlike SORN legislation and residence restrictions, SVP commitment can be said to work insofar that these laws incapacitate a certain high-risk segment of the population That said, SVP commitment laws are extraordinarily expensive and target only a tiny fraction of the overall pool of sexual violence (Janus 2006) While SVP commitment may prevent a few offenses, there is simply a lot more that can be done with that amount of money And if seeking to maximize the number of sexual victimizations prevented each year, SVP commitment will come at a heavy cost and only marginally impact rates of sexual violence 18 Strategies to Combat Sexual Violence … 327 Strategies That Show Promise Recent studies provide optimism for electronic monitoring as an effective management tool Not only does this recent research suggest that electronic monitoring might lower rates of recidivism but studies also show that it tends to increase compliance with the conditions of supervision and treatment (Gies et al 2012, 2013; Padgett et al 2006) As Gies and colleagues note in Chap 7, the costs of GPS supervision are only around $8 per day per offender more than that of traditional parole supervision Of course, GPS technology is not fail-proof and, even when working properly, can only tell you where an offender is, not what they are doing Given data supporting its use, however, it does seem to be a rational and cost-effective way to monitor offenders and reduce the recurrence of sexual violence The rapid proliferation of Internet access over the last couple of decades has brought with it new ways to access victims and commit sexual crimes Most developed nations have ratcheted up efforts to detect and prosecute Internet-related sexual offenses and these efforts seem to pay off Unlike much of the sex offender legislation discussed thus far, these investigative efforts are more preventive and proactive and not simply focus on preventing known sex offenders from committing recidivistic sex crimes Rather, the focus is often on detecting those who are in the process of committing offenses, such as distribution of child pornography, or are designed to stop contact offenses before they occur, such as when investigators pose as minors in hopes of identifying offenders before they solicit a real child for an offense Knowing that investigators are out there, posing as victims or monitoring user activity, may have an important deterrent effect Given increasing Internet access throughout the world and the sharp rise of Internet sex offense prosecutions, directing resources to these crimes makes good policy sense Though the practice of keeping investigative agencies up to date on technological advances may prove costly, these expenses at least show potential to stop or slow a sizeable part of the pool of sexual violence offenses As noted by Ashley Spada in Chap 6, some have suggested that the investigation and prosecution of Internet sexual offenses may be an especially good return on investment given high conviction rates (95 % or higher; Motivans and Kyckelhahn 2007; Seto 2013), an apparent deterrent effect for child pornography trafficking, and the reduction in the availability of sexual images of children (Wolak et al 2013) From a global perspective, offenders tend to concentrate efforts in those countries with weak, non-existent, or ill-enforced policies related to child pornography and computer-facilitate offenses (ICMEC 2016), providing further evidence of these laws’ impact 328 C Calkins and E.L Jeglic Strategies Supported by Data and Suggested Areas to Direct Efforts It is clear from Part I of this book that many of the strategies that we currently have in place offer little in terms of reducing sexual violence and come at a significant cost On the other hand, prevention efforts have the possibility for far greater impact on the overall problem of sexual violence In Part II we have brought together leaders in the field to present a number of promising primary and secondary prevention approaches These prevention initiatives have the potential to a lot more good (i.e., significantly reduce the occurrence of sexual violence) for a lot less money As Shields and Feder note in Chap 9, our approach to sexual violence has been dominated by reactionary criminal justice strategies that aim to incapacitate and manage offenders rather than prevent sexual violence from happening in the first place A public health paradigm that aims to prevent crimes before they occur not only would direct effort to stopping the majority of all new sex crimes (as opposed to only recidivistic offenses) but would also likely be less costly Further, with every case of sexual violence that is prevented, the associated costs of victimization both on an individual as well as a societal level are also eliminated On a superficial level, the public health approach may not seem as attractive The dominant criminal justice approach draws it appeal in its identification, punishment, and detainment of offenders, giving the appearance that we are doing something—even when we are not The public health model is more complex and layered, aiming for small but broad scale changes in social and sexual attitudes and norms But these small shifts in attitudes, norms, and behaviors can help us to make population level changes that far more to decrease global rates of sexual violence than our current strategies The Coaching Boys into Men (CBIM) approach described by Elizabeth Miller in Chap 13 uses an innovative and evidence-based coaching model to reduce attitudes and behaviors associated with sexual and dating violence Moreover, the changing of social norms and attitudes has the ability to impact far more than just sexual assaults Miller notes how beliefs about gender inequities are, for example, associated with poor health outcomes for men (including HIV infection) and increased rates of victimization for women Given the minimal cost of CBIM program materials ($42 dollars/kit), the return on investment can be expected to be high While the collateral consequences of the sex crime policies mentioned seem to only exacerbate the issue by making it hard for offenders to successfully transition back into the community, it is notable that sexual violence prevention interventions have collateral consequences that bring benefits beyond that of just decreasing sexual violence In Chap 8, Sarah DeGue provides examples of shared risk factors among multiple forms of violence For example, economic strain and norms that support aggression are both community-level risk factors not just for sexual violence but also for child maltreatment, intimate partner violence, and youth violence Thus, interventions that target any one of these areas will have a much broader impact than goes beyond that of just reducing the targeted area of violence 18 Strategies to Combat Sexual Violence … 329 In Chap 15, award-winning journalist Luke Malone, in his interviews with self-identified adolescent “pedophiles,” brought attention to the lack of help for those who struggle with unhealthy sexual urges Similarly, Klaus Beier, in Chap 14, describes Germany’s novel Dunkelfeld hotline approach Though local laws may limit the extent to which we can adapt this model in the United States, the approach is highly instructive insofar as it reveals a need for services for those who experience deviant urges Indeed, Malone and Beier’s work brings attention to our societal need for primary prevention services as well as the individual desire for prevention services among those who struggle in silence Spending money to help those who experience deviant urges but who want help to avoid offending is likely to offer a much greater return on investment than spending money on criminal justice initiatives that only serve to isolate and vilify those who have already offended A number of other promising approaches have been discussed in this book Stephen Smallbone, in Chap 11, discusses sexual violence using the situational crime prevention (SCP) framework Smallbone notes how we as a society tend to focus on individual-level dispositional factors to explain abuse, such as pedophilic interests, and overlook contextual factors in understanding abuse Smallbone brings attention to outbreaks of sexual violence that have occurred in distinct times or places, such as Rwanda in the early 1990s or the Catholic Church during the 60s and 70s to illustrate how situational norms can permit, enable, or otherwise contribute to sexual violence Though our homes, where sexual abuse most commonly occurs, are inherently private places, emerging evidence points to ways in which we might begin to modify situations so as to lower rates of sexual violence Colombino (2016) found, for example, that a disproportionate amount of sexual abuse that occurs in the home happens during the summer season (as compared to other seasons of the year) and during the pm to pm time frame It is during these times, of course, that children are less likely to be supervised A public health framework that works to engage children in meaningful activities during these time periods might decrease the overall incidence of sexual abuse while also bestowing other benefits, such ensuring school readiness by keeping children academically engaged during the summer (Allington et al 2010; Borman et al 2009) or reducing rates of obesity (Franckle et al 2014) Willis and Germann, in Chap 12, discuss the challenges to measuring the effectiveness of sexual violence prevention programs Part of the difficulty in shifting the paradigm is that we are very much ingrained in our philosophy of legislation to prevent sexual violence, both politically and psychologically Traditionally, a shift in perspective had required hard evidence that the new is better than the old—but with many of these primary prevention initiatives—it can take many years and even decades to get data Even then, if a change has occurred it is difficult to establish whether it was in fact the primary prevention program that caused the change However, we would argue that given that the status quo has demonstrated little success—incurred at a great cost—taking a leap of faith and moving toward these community-based public health approaches represents a necessary and well-reasoned change 330 C Calkins and E.L Jeglic Economic Analysis Thus the crux of our argument centers around whether our sexual violence strategies are working and at what cost—with cost here referring to both the economic cost as well as the human cost of a committed act of sexual violence If you were charged with reducing the incidence of sexual violence in a given place and had a fixed amount of money earmarked for this goal, you probably would not want to much of what we are doing in the U.S right now Most states have a bevy of policies—residence restrictions, notification laws, and SVP commitment—that either not work or only target a sliver of the overall sexual violence problem (Janus 2006) Some of these policies (e.g., residence restrictions and notification laws) bring a host of unfavorable collateral consequences, and others come at great fiscal and perhaps human rights cost (e.g., SVP commitment) Yet we spend comparatively little money on preventing sexual violence from happening in the first place Bang for buck, eliminating one bad target (such as residence restrictions) and replacing it with another (e.gl, the Shifting Boundaries school based program mentioned in Chap 8) would leverage costs so as to have far more impact on the problem of sexual violence As we note at the beginning of this book an ounce of prevention is quite literally worth a pound of cure when it comes to sexual violence If simply presented with a menu of choices, existing policies may sound good at face value Legislators may be easily tempted to “order” or enact policies that cater to our fears What we have now is a menu full of tasty sounding options but with no actual nutritional data (Is this good for us?)—nor prices attached Keeping sex offenders away from schools? I will take one of those with a side of community notification Though it is easy to blame politicians for enacting fiscally irresponsible policies that bring little benefit, the options available to them and the return on investment associated with different choices have heretofore not been clear With clear “nutritional” data about how well a policy or prevention initiative works and the associated costs, we can begin to make more informed choices that allow stakeholders to compare the return on investment for one option over another For example, SVP commitment may seem to be a very appealing option at first blush, targeting the most dangerous offenders and practically ensuring that they not repeat offenses by keeping them locked up indefinitely But closer inspection reveals that SVP commitment—in targeting the worst of the worst offenders (Janus 2006)—misses the mark as the largest swath of new offenses come from offenders not yet detected (Sandler et al 2008) Eric Janus, in Chap 16, asks us to change our framework to “addressing the most danger, not simply the most dangerous.” All of these choices are, at some level, a social judgment about how much to spend and for what benefit For some forms of legislation, such as residence restrictions, we have limited economic data, but we know that the strategies are not effective Even if the costs were zero, it would not change the fact that many of our current sex offender management strategies fail to produce any positive outcomes— and in some cases produce negative outcomes for the released sex offenders and their families And these costs are not negligible but can be expected to put a 18 Strategies to Combat Sexual Violence … 331 significant dent in state budgets Other forms of sex crime legislation (i.e., SVP commitment) are incredibly expensive relative to their expected benefit SVP commitment does undoubtedly serve a community protection goal by keeping a small portion of the known sex offender community locked up indefinitely Yet these exceptionally high fiscal costs need to be balanced against other models of prevention (e.g., the five evidence-based approaches identified by the CDC and reviewed by DeGue in Chap 8), which are likely to offer more protection at a significantly reduced cost It is, however, a social and perhaps moral policy decision as to whether the exorbitant costs of commitment are worth the small solution it provides, or whether that money would be better spent on policies or programs that prevent much more victimization from happening in the first place Ultimately, we—as the editors of this book—are not tasked with these decisions but can begin to lay the groundwork and provide clear menus of choice and their associated costs and benefits so that society and its chosen representatives can make more informed decisions Our way of evaluating these different options is simple: We hope to reduce the occurrence of sexual violence Some might, upon careful review, decide that residence restrictions are a favorable option not because they lower rates of sexual violence—which they not seem to do—but rather because residence restrictions serve a retributive function While we as authors of this text disagree and would argue that the value of a policy should be in its ability to reduce sexual violence, we can appreciate that decision insofar as it is an informed one and not based on the misguided notion that residence restrictions will have a positive and sizeable impact on rates of recidivism We have ranked the menu options based upon what we consider to be the most important function, that is, their ability to protect us against sexual violence Surprisingly little effort has been devoted to examining the costs of our current menu of options If cost information is available, it is seldom widely circulated or considered alongside supposed benefits Contributors to this text have mentioned seatbelt laws and smoking cessation initiatives as examples of how the public health approach has had striking effects on car safety and our physical health, and has led us to think differently about the extent to which accidents or health outcomes are preventable We would like to bring one more examples to the table, that of making nutritional information available on restaurant menus Studies suggest that providing consumers with nutritional information about menu options may push them to make slightly better choices (Krieger et al 2013; Long et al 2015) Though not everybody will forgo the bacon double cheeseburger in favor of the spinach salad— some undoubtedly will However, the individuals selecting the bacon double cheeseburger will be making such a decision with the information they need to weigh the costs and benefits for themselves It is our hope that by making this cost and outcome data available, stakeholders can begin to make better and more informed choices about ways to stop sexual violence We not expect that all bad policies will be repealed tomorrow, but we can hope that this book might serve to nudge efforts in the right direction, that of shifting the focus to prevention and evidence-based initiatives Small changes in our approach to sexual violence can have a large impact if they prevent more people from suffering the serious 332 C Calkins and E.L Jeglic consequences of victimization We hope that this book serves as a starting point for continued discussion and methodologically rigorous evaluation of policy and prevention initiatives, more readily available cost data, and further analysis of the expected return on investment of these various options References Allington, R L., McGill-Frazen, A., Camilli, G., Williams, L., Graff, J., Zeig, J., et al (2010) Addressing summer reading setback among economically disadvantaged elementary students Reading Psychology, 31(5), 411–427 Borman, G., Goetz, M., & Dowling, M (2009) Halting the summer achievement slide: A randomized field trial of the kindergARTen summer camp Journal of Education for Students Placed at Risk, 14(2), 133–147 Calkins, C., Colombino, N., Matsuura, T., & Jeglic, E (2015) Where sex crimes occur? How an examination of sex crime location can inform policy and prevention International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice, 39, 99–112 doi:10.1080/01924036.2014 973047 Colombino, N (2016) Preventing sexual violence where it most often occurs: An investigation of the situational and structural components of child sexual abuse in residential settings Unpublished dissertation Colorado Department of Public Safety (2004) Report on safety issues raised by living arrangements and location of sex offenders in the community Denver, CO: Sex Offender Management Board Franckle, R., Adler, R., & Davison, K (2014) Accelerated weight gain among children during summer versus school year and related racial/ethnic disparities: A systematic review Preventing Chronic Disease, 11, 1–10 doi:10.5888/pcd11.130355 Gies, S V., Gainey, R., Cohen, M I., Healy, E., Duplantier, E., Yeide, M., et al (2012) Monitoring High-Risk Sex Offenders With GPS Technology: An Evaluation of The California Supervision Program: Final Report Washington, D.C.: U.S Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice Gies, S V., Gainey, R., & Healy, E (2013) Using GPS technology to monitor high-risk sex offenders: California’s experience with implementation Journal of Offender Monitoring, 25(2), 5–8 International Centre for Missing & Exploited Children (ICMEC) (2016) Child pornography: Model legislation & global review Retrieved from: http://www.icmec.org/wp-content/uploads/ 2016/02/Child-Pornography-Model-Law-8th-Ed-Final-linked.pdf Janus, E S (2006) Failure to protect: America’s sexual predator laws and the rise of the preventive state New York: Cornell University Press Krieger, J W., Chan, N L., Saelens, B E., Ta, M L., Solet, D., & Fleming, D W (2013) Menu labeling regulations and calories purchased at chain restaurants American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 44, 595–604 Long, M W., Tobias, D K., Cradock, A L., Batchelder, H., & Gortmaker, S L (2015) Systematic review and meta-analysis of the impact of restaurant menu calorie labeling American Journal of Public Health, 105, 11–24 doi:10.2105/AJPH.2015.302570 Minnesota Department of Corrections (2003) Level three sex offenders residential placement issues St Paul, MN: Author Minnesota Department of Corrections (2007) Residential proximity and sexual offense recidivism in Minnesota St Paul, MN: Author 18 Strategies to Combat Sexual Violence … 333 Motivans, M., & Kyckelhahn, T (2007) Federal prosecution of child sex exploitation offenders, 2006 Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin, 1–8 Retrieved from www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/ fpcseo06.pdf Nobles, M R., Levenson, J S., & Youstin, T J (2012) Effectiveness of residence restrictions in preventing sex offense recidivism Crime & Delinquency, 58, 491–513 doi:10.1177/ 0011128712449230 Padgett, K G., Bales, W D., & Blomberg, T G (2006) Under surveillance: An empirical test of the effectiveness and consequences of electronic monitoring Criminology & Public Policy, (1), 61–92 Sandler, J C., Freeman, N J., & Socia, K M (2008) Does a watched pot boil? A time-series analysis of New York State’s sex offender registration and notification law Psychology, Public Policy and Law, 14(4), 284–302 doi:10.1037/a0013881 Seto, M C (2013) Internet Sex Offenders Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association Socia, K M (2012) The efficacy of county-level sex offender residence restrictions in New York Crime & Delinquency, 58, 612–642 doi:10.1177/0011128712441694 Wolak, J., Liberatore, M., & Levine, B N (2013) Measuring a year of child pornography trafficking by U.S computers on a peer-to-peer network Child Abuse and Neglect, 38, 347– 356 doi:10.1016/j.chiabu.2013.10.018 Zandbergen, P A., Levenson, J S., & Hart, T C (2010) Residential proximity to schools and daycares: An empirical analysis of sex offense recidivism Criminal Justice and Behavior, 37, 482–502 Index A Adam Walsh Act, 33, 36 Adolescent relationship abuse, 89 Assessment, 251, 254, 258, 259, 261, 265, 268 B Bystander behavior, 182–184, 200, 205 I International Megan’s law, 34, 40, 44 Internet, 81–84, 86, 88–91 J Jacob Wetterling Act, 33, 36 Juveniles, 250, 251, 263–265, 267, 268 C Child abuse, 82 Child abuse images, 249, 250, 253, 263, 267, 268 Child pornography, 273–275, 277 Child sexual abuse, 130, 131, 133–135, 137, 139, 249–251, 254, 257, 268 Civil commitment, 67–74, 76, 77 Clustering, 53, 56 Community level, 163, 165, 172 Community supervision, 100 Comorbidity, 268 Cost–benefit analysis, 325, 331 Crime prevention, 40 L Laws, 82, 84, 85, 87 Legislation, 1, 2, 5–7, 68–70, 73, 75, 119, 120 D Dunkelfeld, 250, 251, 254, 256, 258, 261, 262, 267, 268 P Pedophiles, 273, 274, 276, 279, 280, 282 Pedophilia, 250, 252, 253, 261, 264 Policy, 5, 7, 8, 164, 171, 172 Policy implications, 96, 113 Pornography, 81–86, 88–91 Prevention, 119, 122, 123, 129, 130, 134, 135, 137–140, 162, 163, 165, 168, 171, 172, 174, 228–233, 235–237, 239, 241, 250, 251, 254–256, 258, 260, 261, 263, 266, 268 Primary prevention, 6, 7, 280 Program evaluation, 183, 199, 201, 203–206, 209 Public health, 129, 134, 135, 138–140 E Economics, 310 Electronic monitoring, 95, 97, 100, 102, 111, 112 Evaluation, 106 H Homelessness, 53–55, 61 Homophobia, 227, 228, 231 Housing, 52–56, 60, 61 M Media campaign, 251, 259, 262, 264, 266–268 Megan’s Law, 33–36, 40, 41, 44 N Non-offending, 273, 282 O Outcome measurement, 181, 183, 201, 205, 211 © Springer International Publishing AG 2016 E.L Jeglic and C Calkins (eds.), Sexual Violence, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-44504-5 335 336 Public health approach, 289, 299 R Rape, 164, 165, 168 Recidivism, 286–288, 291–293, 295, 300 Residence restrictions, 51–54, 57–61 Return on investment, 306, 309, 313, 319, 330 Risk assessment, 33, 39, 42, 44, 70, 73, 75 S Sex crime policy, 51, 328 Sex offender, 1–4, 6, 33–43, 51–56, 58, 59, 61, 67, 68, 69, 71–74, 76, 84, 86, 90, 91, 95, 97–100, 103–105, 107, 108, 111–114, 119, 122, 305, 318, 320, 321, 325, 327, 330 Sex offender policy, 305, 306, 319, 321 Sex offender registration and notification, 291 Sex offender treatment, 68 Sexual abuse prevention, 61, 156 Sexual aggression, 181–183, 201–203, 208 Sexual harassment, 229, 231, 232, 240 Sexual offender recidivism, 12, 18–20 Sexual offender treatment, 12, 21, 22 Sexual offender typologies, 12, 16, 23 Sexual predator, 71, 73 Sexual predator laws, 287 Index Sexual violence, 1, 3, 4, 6–8, 129, 132–135, 137–140, 161–165, 166, 168, 170–172, 174, 227–231, 237, 240, 241 Sexual violence and abuse sexual offending, 145–147, 149, 150, 152, 156, 158 Sexual violence policy, 285, 288, 290 Sexual violence prevention, 119, 123, 181, 183, 199, 201, 205, 211, 328, 329 Situational crime prevention, 150 Social ecological model, 136–138, 140 SORNA, 34, 37, 40, 42, 43 T Teen dating violence, 230 Transience, 53, 54, 56, 60, 61 Treatment, 122, 251, 254–257, 259, 261, 262, 264, 266, 268 V Victimization, 181, 182, 199, 201–203, 205, 209, 210 Y Youth, 40, 52, 81, 123, 129, 131, 132, 134, 135, 146, 149–152, 155, 156, 166, 167, 170, 173, 203, 204, 230–233, 235–237, 241, 256, 264, 266, 328 ... Treatment of Sexual Abusers (n.d.) Sexual violence prevention fact sheet Retrieved from http://www.atsa.com /sexual- violence- prevention- fact-sheet Bonnar-Kidd, K K (2010) Sexual offender laws and prevention. . .Sexual Violence Elizabeth L Jeglic Cynthia Calkins • Editors Sexual Violence Evidence Based Policy and Prevention 123 Editors Elizabeth L Jeglic John... Prevalence and characteristics of sexual violence, stalking and intimate partner violence victimization—National intimate partner and sexual violence survey, United States, 2011 Morbidity and Mortality
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