LOCAL IDENTITY IN A CAPITAL: NEGOTIATING THE LOCAL AND THE NATIONAL IN LATE MING NANJING LEE LIN CHIANG NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2010 LOCAL IDENTITY IN A CAPITAL: NEGOTIATING THE LOCAL AND THE NATIONAL IN LATE MING NANJING LEE LIN CHIANG ［B.A. (Hons),NUS］ A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF CHINESE STUDIES NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2010 Acknowledgements My completion of this dissertation would not have been possible without the help and support I had received from many people. Unfortunately, listing all their names here would be impossible and I apologize to those who gave me a helping hand but whose names are missing in this acknowledgement. These people include the helpful members from the university’s libraries, the kind people and teachers from the Chinese Studies department, as well as fellow students and researchers who have given me insightful advice and criticisms that helped me through my course of studies. I also need to reserve special thanks for my fellow classmate Benedict Lee, whom I have known for a very long time. We had many discussions regarding our research and he had helped me formulate many ideas for my dissertation. Among all the people who had helped me complete this thesis, I am most indebted to my two supervisors, A/P Ong Chang Woei and Dr. Koh Khee Heong who guided me through the entire process of writing this thesis. I would like to thank A/P Ong for his endless patience in answering my questions and for his unwavering support when I ran into difficulties with my research. I would also like to thank Dr. Koh for his critical questions that prompted me to think more deeply, as well as for his timely reminders at times when I had drifted off my focus in my research. The two are the most influential people in the formative stage of my academic research and without them, this thesis would not have taken its current shape. Last but not least, I would like to express my gratitude to Chen Kaili who has shown great patience and support for me as I navigated through difficult times in the course of my studies. TABLE OF CONTENTS Summary --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------iii List of Figures Maps ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- v Illustrations ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------v Chapter 1: Introduction --------------------------------------------------------------------------------1 Studies on Local History -----------------------------------------------------------------3 Historical Studies on Ming Nanjing ----------------------------------------------------6 Negotiating the Nation and the Local ---------------------------------------------------10 Sources --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------11 Chapter 2: Recording the Miscellaneous History of Nanjing in Biji -----------------------------15 Fitting the Local into the National -------------------------------------------------------20 Promoting Local History ------------------------------------------------------------------24 Fostering Local Identity -------------------------------------------------------------------26 Chapter 3: Re-Imagining Nanjing in Pictorial Guides ----------------------------------------------33 Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City and the Construction --------------------35 of a New Nanjing Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling: Reconnection ------------------------39 with the Past Illustrated Odes on Jinling and the Construction of Local Identity ------------------43 i Chapter 4: Defining the Local in Religious Writings ------------------------------------------------59 Inscribing Religion into the Local Scene -------------------------------------------------61 Attitudes towards State Interference in Religion ----------------------------------------64 Mediating the State and Local in Local Religion ---------------------------------------68 Chapter 5: Conclusion -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------73 Bibliography ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------78 ii Summary This thesis set out to investigate how native Nanjing literati in the late Ming era looked at their own identity. By analyzing 3 different genres of works by these literati (the biji, pictorial guides and religious writings), I will show how they had attempted to create a local identity by emphasizing local history and promoting local pride. They made use of their local literati identity to demonstrate intricate knowledge and keen interest in the miscellaneous history of their locale in their writings, providing readers with an alternative view of history different from that of the national discourse. Nanjing’s status was unique and its history of change within the Ming dynasty was unparalleled by other locales in China. With Nanjing being a capital city, the Nanjing literati’s sense of local pride exuded a strong national flavor. The locals took deep pride in Nanjing’s long history as capital for various dynasties, and they emphasized it in their version of local history. However, the national was differentiated from the state, and they were keen to isolate local pride from the developments of Ming dynasty. They constructed their Nanjing men identity from the basis of Nanjing’s proud history as capitals for various nations, and the Ming dynasty was all but only one of them. They emphasized the natural geography surrounding Nanjing, and based their pride in their locale on the popular notion that Nanjing’s topography exuded an aura of royalty. To these natives, the unique geography of Nanjing was the key reason for Nanjing’s prosperity rather than state patronage. While the Nanjing elites had sought to isolate the Ming state from their local pride, they welcomed the presence of the state in their locale. They defended Nanjing’s role as a capital for the Ming, and were happy to see the state playing a part in local affairs. This was because the presence of the state and its ministries was a feature that only a capital could boast of. This paper seeks to examine these issues and discuss how the “national” is integrated iii into the “local”, and how the state was separated from the “national” by the Nanjing literati. This thesis will demonstrate that while Nanjing’s had followed the greater historical trend of the Song-Yuan-Ming transition that several historians had argued to have occurred in the southern regions of China, it was distinguished from other localities by the strong national flavor in Nanjing’s localism. iv List of Figures Maps: Fig. 1a: Map of Mountains and Rivers of the Capital City ----------------------------53 ( Hongwu Jingcheng Tuzhi) Fig. 1b: Map of Temples and Monasteries ----------------------------------------------53 ( Hongwu Jingcheng Tuzhi) Fig. 1c: Map of Government Offices -----------------------------------------------------54 ( Hongwu Jingcheng Tuzhi) Fig. 1d: Map of Street, Markets and Bridges --------------------------------------------54 ( Hongwu Jingcheng Tuzhi) Fig. 2a: Map of Wu, Yue and Chu --------------------------------------------------------55 (Jinling Gujin Tukao) Fig. 2b: Map of Moling County in Qin --------------------------------------------------55 (Jinling Gujin Tukao) Fig. 2c: Map of the Southern Dynasty Capital Jiankang ------------------------------56 (Jinling Gujin Tukao) Fig. 2d: Map of the Capital City in Ming ------------------------------------------------56 (Jinling Gujin Tukao) Fig. 2e: Map of Various Mountains within the Boundaries ---------------------------57 (Jinling Gujin Tukao) Illustrations: Fig. 3a: Misty Bell Mountain on a Sunny Day ------------------------------------------58 (Jinling Tuyong) Fig. 3b: Melting Snow at the Stone City -------------------------------------------------59 (Jinling Tuyong) v Fig. 3c: Cruising Down a Clear Stream --------------------------------------------------60 (Jinling Tuyong) Fig. 3d: Illuminated Tower of the Monastery of Gratitude ----------------------------61 (Jinling Tuyong) vi Chapter 1 Introduction What did it mean to be a Nanjing native in late Ming Nanjing? How did the Nanjing literati visualize their city and its immediate surroundings in terms of its glorious history and awkward present? How did they position themselves and their native place in the context of Ming dynasty and China? These are the themes that this thesis seeks to explore. A significant development in Ming dynasty was the change in status of Nanjing from the national capital into a secondary capital. The establishment of Nanjing as a national capital by Ming’s founding emperor Zhu Yuanzhang朱元璋 (1328-1398) resulted in a mass migration of officials, soldiers, and commoners into the city, as would be expected of any capital. Amongst these people were the forefathers of mid to late-Ming literati, who called Nanjing home and represented themselves as Nanjing natives, and who are central to the discussions in this thesis. For examples Chen Yi陳沂(1469-1538), Zhu Zhifan朱之蕃(1564-?), and Jiao Hong 焦竑(1541-1620), whose works will be analyzed in this essay, could all trace their ancestry to areas outside of Nanjing prior to the founding of Ming dynasty. Chen Yi stated in the preface of his book Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling金陵古 今圖考that his family had only moved to the Southern capital 3 generations ago 1, while both Zhu Zhifan’s father as a soldier and Jiao Hong’s ancestors had moved to Nanjing from Shandong province. Despite having moved to Nanjing for a relatively short span of time, it was clear that these literati viewed Nanjing as their native place and themselves as Nanjing natives. They displayed a great interest in the history of Nanjing as well as in 1 Chen Yi 陳沂, Jinling Gujin Tukao 金陵古今圖考(Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Nanjing)(Nanjing: Nanjing chubanshe, 2007), p 65. 1 documenting the minor details of daily life in the Nanjing. They prided themselves on being Jinling men 金陵人 and preferred to use the historical name of Jinling rather than Nanjing when they spoke of themselves and their native place. What is intriguing was the fact that these newly rooted Nanjing natives had showed a definite affection for the historical name of Jinling, even though by the time of the arrival of their families Jinling was no longer used as an official name, with Yingtian Prefecture 應天 府 and Nanjing 南京 replacing this old term. Apparently, these Nanjing natives identified themselves as part of the imagined community of Jinling. These native Nanjing literati identified strongly with the historical name of Jinling rather than with the place’s contemporary name. Not only did they resonate with the name Jinling, they also helped to foster the imagined community of Jinling by their constant writing and re-writing about Jinling’s past and present. I will show how late Ming Nanjing literati actively created an imagined Jinling community based on a “Jinling men” identity. For the purpose of discussion, I will use the more modern name of “Nanjing” when I refer to the place and its community for the sake of clarity. More often than not the subjects of my discussion would very much prefer to be identified as “Jinling men” rather than my more generic usage of “Nanjing natives”. Why “Jinling” rather than “Nanjing”, or even “Yingtian Prefecture”? It does not seem natural for the literati to favour a term that pre-dated their families’ arrival in Nanjing instead of the more current terms. The name “Nanjing” literally means “southern capital” while “Yingtian Prefecture” meant “responding to heaven” and was the name that the founding emperor of Ming gave to Nanjing in a bid to legitimise his rule of China as a calling from heaven. These two terms carried a strong political flavour. However, to these Nanjing natives, history triumphed over currency. In my opinion, their preference for the name “Jinling” could well be their attempt in putting 2 themselves firmly within the imagined community of Nanjing, because Jinling had been used since the warring states period, so it transcended the immediate dynasty and evoked a glorious history as the capital of various dynasties dating back to the Three Kingdoms period when it was the capital of Wu 吳. Only in Ming did Nanjing finally become the capital of the whole of China, although this did not last long. When political circumstances and development led to a shift in capital as ordered by the Yongle 永樂 emperor from Nanjing to Beijing, Nanjing was relegated to a secondary status, while still retaining the six ministries structure found only in capitals. The emphasis on using the name “Jinling” in order to evoke the memories of the capital’s history reflected the changing fortunes of Nanjing throughout the Ming dynasty and how it affected the natives’ vision of their locale and its relationship with the “national”. From my observation, the Nanjing natives in the late-Ming era attempted to create an imagined notion of Jinling whose glorious history stretched beyond that of the dynasty’s history. I will deal with this issue in the subsequent chapters of my thesis. Studies on Local History In the last two decades and more, local history has become a hot topic for historians interested in mid to late imperial China’s history. The surge in studies on Chinese local history began when scholars observed that in Southern Song, the “local” started playing an important role in the lives of the elite class. Robert Hartwell brought forth his findings that the gentry elites in Southern Song begun to pursue more locally oriented strategies such as inter-marriages on a local rather than national level in order to preserve the welfare of their class in his 1982 paper Demographic, Political and Social Transformations of China, 750-1550. This was opposed to their 3 predecessors in the Northern Song who had a survival strategy that were more akin to the aristocracy of Tang dynasty and before. Robert Hymes said of Hartwell’s findings that “Hartwell argues that the Northern Sung elite was divided between a nationally oriented, nationally marrying, bureaucratically striving ‘professional elite’ of longlived high office holding families, and a locally oriented ‘gentry’ pursuing a diversified strategy of local success in which office (and not necessarily high office) was only one component.” 2 Robert Hymes further developed and confirmed Hartwell’s findings in his book Statesmen and Gentlemen: The Elite of Fu-Chou, Chiang-Hsi in Northern and Southern Sung. The changes in attitudes by the gentry are attributed to the developments of the imperial examination system, where the number of candidates taking part in the examination rose at a far greater speed than the expansion of imperial bureaucracy. In other words, more literati were left without a place in the bureaucratic system and they needed to adapt a different strategy for survival. The transition from Northern Song to Southern Song thus became an important watershed in Chinese history. Since the publication of Hymes’ book, many historians have developed and some have contested his argument. Beverly Bossler noted in her book Powerful Relations: Kinship, Status and the State in Sung China (960-1279) that localist strategy gained popularity due to the value that the “local” offered for the elites. However, she attributed the sudden increase in materials that showed a change in elites’ orientation to the local instead of the capital and the state to a change in historiography rather than history. 3 But what caused the change in historiography in the first place? Why was there a surge in sources that pointed to the existence of 2 Robert Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen: The Elite of Fu-Chou, Chiang-Hsi in Northern and Southern Sung (New York, Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 5. 3 Beverly Bossler, Powerful Relations: Kinship, Status and the State in Sung China (960-1279), (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1998), p. 205. 4 locally orientated inclinations? Research by various scholars has pointed to the fact that it was indeed a historical change that led to the change in historiography. Among them is Peter Bol who based his studies on Wuzhou婺州. Bol argued convincingly that literati in Southern Song and Yuan Wuzhou were particularly interested in the writing of local history, and this was because “Having a past makes the literati of the present heir to that past. It provides them with the local manifestation of intellectual and cultural traditions that we and they knew were national in scope and thus provides them with the sources and models for passing judgement on others and representing themselves. Central to this is the use of the past to create an identity for Wuzhou literati.” 4 In this sense, the native Nanjing literati that I’ve researched were very similar to the Song Wuzhou literati that Bol studied. Both sets of literati were interested in creating a past of the locale in order to foster their identity, and hence justify their inheritance of the culture of the locale. In his later works, Bol further developed his view on the rise of local history, which he termed as the “localist turn”. Bol hypothesized that “there was a “localist turn” in the sixteenth century in contrast to the more statist enterprise of the Ming founding”, and that “A localist turn following an era of statist policies is something of a pattern in Chinese history.” 5 In my own research, I looked at the works of Nanjing elites and identified a similar scenario. The Nanjing elites of the late-Ming period, as elsewhere, were definitely highly interested in local history and the creation of local identity. But Nanjing in the Ming dynasty was unlike any other place in China during the same period in terms of its status. As mentioned earlier, Nanjing went through drastic changes in fortunes throughout the dynasty, rising to the top of the empire as capital of the state before 4 Peter Bol, “The Rise of Local History”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 61, 1 (June 2001), p. 75. Peter Bol, “The ‘Localist Turn’ and ‘Local Identity’ in Later Imperial China”, Late Imperial China 24, 2 (December 2003), p. 3-4. 5 5 being relegated to a southern capital. In a sense, Nanjing was still a capital where the presence of the state could still be felt rather ominously. Yet it was not a true capital, in that the head of state, the emperor, did not reside in Nanjing. It is this aspect of late-Ming Nanjing that makes it worthy of more in-depth studies. I will pay extra attention to the relationship between the local and the national in my thesis, in a bid to distinguish Nanjing’s localism from the rest of China. Historical Studies on Ming Nanjing Nanjing’s rise to a national capital and its subsequent relegation to a secondary capital pose many interesting questions for historians. As a result, earlier research on Ming Nanjing frequently revolved around its status and the politics around it. One of the biggest topic researchers on Nanjing focused on was its relation with the imperial ruling house that had shifted to Beijing and the tension between these two capitals. For example, Edward Farmer wrote about the evolution of the functionality of Beijing and Nanjing in his book Early Ming Government: The Evolution of Dual Capitals. Farmer’s focus was on political and institutional history. In his book, Farmer traced circumstances and consequences of the shift in national capital from Nanjing to Beijing. By linking together the various transitional changes in early Ming period, such as the external pressure of border defence and internal struggle for power between members of the imperial house, Farmer hypothesized the formation of a new format of rule distinct from earlier times to which he termed the dual capital system. 6 Twenty years after Farmer’s book was published in 1976, Fang Jun方駿wrote his PhD dissertation titled Auxiliary Administration: The Southern Capital of Ming China. In his dissertation, Fang gave a detailed description of 6 Edward Farmer, Early Ming Government: The Evolution of Dual Capitals (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1976) p. 134-147. 6 secondary capitals in the history of China and Ming Nanjing’s administration, political, financial and military function as the southern capital of Ming China. Fang Jun’s dissertation on the southern capital was that despite being relegated to an auxiliary capital, Nanjing still had a major role to play in the Ming Empire and that “its existence was largely justified by its ability to assist the primary capital to control better the southern part of the Ming realm.” 7 Like Farmer before him, Fang Jun’s focus was on the bigger picture of the Ming Empire and how Nanjing’s role as a southern or auxiliary capital served the state in its rule over the China. Besides scholarship on the politics between Ming Nanjing and Beijing, historians had frequently looked at Nanjing collectively with other areas in the as part of the bigger region known as Jiangnan 江南. Such studies have many merits and help us understand the geo-political situation in Jiangnan better. For example, The Jiangnan Gentry and Jiangnan Society (1368-1911)江南士紳與江南社會（13681911 年）by Xu Maoming 徐茂明 focused on the developments of the gentry elites from the Ming through to the end of Qing dynasty, detailing the multifaceted life of the gentry and their relation to the state as well as society of the Jiangnan region. Other works that go in similar vein includes the various articles published in the volume Studies on Jiangnan’s Society and Culture Since Ming-Qing Dynasty 明清以 來江南社會與文化論集 co-edited by Xiong Yuezhi 熊月之 and Xiong Bingzhen 熊 秉真. In these studies, Nanjing was treated as part of the region and no special attention was given to the literati of Nanjing. In this respect, Ming historians rarely looked at Nanjing as an independent entity. In my opinion, this does not do Ming Nanjing justice, as Nanjing in the Ming dynasty was truly a complex place with 7 Fang Jun, Auxiliary Administration: The Southern Capital of Ming China, PhD. Dissertation (University of Toronto, 1995), p. 17. 7 interesting developments over the course of the dynasty. To trace all these developments would be a task too grand for this dissertation. My attention will instead be reserved for the development and rise of localism in Nanjing’s literati circle. I will attempt to outline and analyse the promotion of localism in late-Ming Nanjing by discussing the works by its natives, and how these natives promote an image of Jinling through the eyes of Jinling men. In recent years, more attention has been paid to the study of Nanjing as an independent entity itself. For example, He Xiaorong’s何孝榮A Study on Ming Nanjing’s Buddhist Monasteries明代佛教寺院研究focused tightly on issues regarding the Buddhist monasteries in Nanjing, but lacked more detailed analysis regarding the local religious landscape, although it does provide many empirical data on the Buddhist monasteries in Nanjing. In the western academic world, the main focus when it comes to studies on Nanjing is evidently on urban studies. Luo Xiao Xiang wrote his PhD dissertation From Imperial City to Cosmopolitan Metropolis: Culture, Politics and State in Late Ming Nanjing in 2006 by looking at the urban culture and politics of late-Ming Nanjing, paying special attention to administrative, ceremonial and institutional factors to reconstruct life in late-Ming urban Nanjing. Similarly, Fei Siyen wrote her PhD thesis Negotiating urban space: the making and remaking of the southern metropolis in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century China, by focusing on Nanjing as a city, Nanjing as a region, and Nanjing as an imagined space. She was concerned with the effects of urbanization on Nanjing and how it affected the geo-political situation in the region. Fei Si-yen’s work revolved around space; she was interested in how changes in regional geo-politics and the urbanization of Nanjing city affected space physically as well how it affected the way its people visualised Nanjing as an imagined space. To Fei Siyen, the “state-mandated vision of 8 Nanjing as an imperial capital effected visual and textual re-presentation of Nanjing by its native elites”, and “from their perspectives, Nanjing was conceived as a space defined by people’s activities as well as interactions between hosts and guests.” She further claimed that “indeed, the evolving perception and conceptualization of urban space proved to be a product of the negotiation between state and society.” 8 While I agree with her that the native Nanjing elites’ vision of Nanjing had a lot to do with the interaction of perception and conceptualization of space with the state’s vision, I would not solely attribute their vision of Nanjing to the rapid urbanization of Nanjing city in the Ming dynasty. In my opinion, there was a conscious effort by the native Nanjing elites to construct an image of Nanjing with special emphasis on the point-ofview of the Nanjing natives themselves. Not only that, I argue that the Nanjing elites’ vision of Nanjing was not restricted to the city, as they also included the immediate natural surroundings of Nanjing city as part of their vision. While Fei Siyen’s main concern was about space, mine is about identity. I will show in this dissertation that not only were the interpretations of space by the native Nanjing elites a reflection of their notion of the “Jinling men” identity, their interpretation of space was a conscious effort by them to reinforce their identity. I will demonstrate in this dissertation, by analysing different genre of literati works by these Nanjing elites, the re-juxtaposition of the ‘local’ and the ‘state’ in their vision. I will achieve this by elaborating on how these elites re-interpreted the space of Nanjing, and show that their vision of Nanjing was one that had detached itself (but not left behind) from the mandated state’s vision. It is my contention that the native elites’ efforts in re-visualising their locale were part of a national trend that scholars have branded recently the rise of localism. 8 Fei Siyen, Negotiating urban space: the making and remaking of the southern metropolis in sixteenthand seventeenth-century China, PhD. dissertation (Stanford University. 2004), p. 286. 9 Negotiating the Nation and the Local What sets Nanjing apart from other locales in Ming dynasty China? As mentioned earlier, the heavy presence of the state due to its status as a secondary or auxiliary capital was the main difference. Not only that, Nanjing had a unique history. Prior to the Ming dynasty it had served as a capital for six different dynasties, namely Wu, East Jin, Song, Qi, Liang and Chen, earning it the title of Ancient Capital of Six Dynasties 六朝古都. What this meant was that any attempt to account for the history of Nanjing would inevitably evoke memories of the nation’s past. When the history of the “local” was so intertwined with the history of the “national”, was it possible for Nanjing to experience a rise in localism similar to that of other locales in China? If localism did take root in Nanjing, how did the localist elites negotiate between the “national” and the “local”? These are questions that I seek to explore in this paper. Although my focus is on Nanjing as a locale, it is however not my intention to cast the nation to one side. The value of studying local history is that it prevents historian from falling into the trap of a national, state dictated version of history. So often in Chinese history, the picture of a wholly unified nation with little deviation is painted. The pragmatic need for a nationalistic discourse to incite nationalistic feeling among citizens of the nation dictated the way Chinese history was presented. As Ong Chang Woei demonstrated with his study of Guanzhong關中, in past narratives of Guanzhong’s history, Guanzhong was construed as a microsm of the history of the Chinese nation as a whole. 9 The implication of such nationalistic versions of history was that variations were downplayed and alternatives overlooked. Looking at the histories of specific locality, gives historians a chance to survey the histories that were normally not included in the national discourse of history. However, this is not to say 9 Ong Chang Woei, Men of Letters Within the Passes: Guanzhong Literati in Chinese History, 907 – 1911 (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 2008), p. 2-3. 10 that the state and its narratives are not important, especially for a locale like Nanjing where the state had a heavy presence. Furthermore, a rise in localism and interest in local history need not exclude the state totally, nor need it necessarily be an anti-state sentiment. Peter Bol claims the same “A localist turn need not be anti-state per se.” 10 Certainly for the case of Nanjing, I argue that although there was a rise of localism in the late-Ming period, the Nanjing elites’ version of localism was one in which the presence of the “national” featured prominently. On one hand, they were striving to forge a local identity that was independent of the state. On the other hand, their vision for Nanjing was one that transcended the local and encompassed the national. However, Nanjing elites’ version of “national” was unique in the sense that the state was separated from the national. The Nanjing natives were proud of the illustrious history of their locale as a capital for many dynasties, yet the “Jinling men” identity that they strove so hard to construe was independent of the state. In a way, one gets a sense that to these native Nanjing elites, the “national” need not be the Ming dynasty, for the natural landscape surrounding their locale was one that was naturally “home for the emperors and kings”（真帝王之宅） 11. Sources The study of local history usually begins with an analysis of the local gazetteer. Bol mentiones in his paper The Rise of Local History: History, Geography, and Culture in Southern Song and Yuan Wuzhou that “For historians the “local history” in a Chinese context refers in the first place to the “local gazetteer,” a rather 10 Bol, “The ‘Localist Turn’”, p. 4. Ministry of Rites ed., Huangdu Shanchuan Fengcheng Tukao 皇都山川封城圖考（An Assessment of the Maps of Mountains, Rivers, and Confined City of the Royal Capital）, Hongwu Jingcheng Tuzhi 洪武京城圖志(Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Imperial City) (Nanjing: Nanjing Chubanshe, 2007), p. 7. 11 11 standardized compendium of information about an administrative unit: the prefecture, county, canton or town.” 12 Though authorized and vetted by the state officials, the local gazetteer was frequently manipulated by the local literati to fit their purposes. Joseph Dennis highlighted in his paper Between Lineage and State: Extended Family and Gazetteer Compilation in Xinchang County how lineages with financial capabilities managed to get their ancestors biographies included in county gazetteers by sponsoring gazetteer compilation projects and utilising their lineage networks. Similarly, Han Seunghyun also demonstrated in his doctoral dissertation how officials in Qing dynasty scoffed at the local gazetteers produced around the late-Ming era as they were filled with irregularities that served to profit private interests and were contrary to official records. 13 The local elite were able to manipulate the local interests as local officials usually did not have enough knowledge about the locale or the manpower to compile the gazetteers. Furthermore these elites were frequently the sponsors of these gazetteers. Bol noted that for Wuzhou which he studied, “the publication of gazetteers probably can be related to greater local wealth.” 14 Indeed local elites needed to have accumulated a certain amount of wealth before they could take up the task of a huge project such tasks. The nature of the local gazetteers posed a problem for the study of local history. Local literati who did not have the financial abilities or reputations were inevitably left out of the loop when gazetteers were compiled. In Nanjing, for instance, Zhou Hui 周辉(1546－？) already had trouble publishing his book and could not have sponsored the project of compiling a local gazetteer. Therefore in order to see the bigger picture outside of a selected group, it is necessary for historians to look 12 Bol, “Rise of Local History”, p. 37. Seunghyun Han, Re-inventing Local Traditions: Politics, Culture, and Identity in Early 19th Century Suzhou, PhD. dissertation (Harvard University, 2005). 14 Bol, “Rise of Local History”, p. 38. 13 12 beyond local gazetteers while dealing with local history. Furthermore, the rigid nature of local gazetteers whereby the structure and contents were regulated heavily meant that it restricted the ways in which literati could use it to suit their interests. I will discuss three types of literary works written by Nanjing natives. In chapter 2, I will analyse the genre of miscellaneous notes（筆記）and discuss how the nature of this genre allowed Nanjing natives to exhibit their intimate knowledge of locale affairs and details of daily life in late-Ming Nanjing. In addition, they also use the genre of miscellaneous notes to record and list works written by fellow Nanjing natives about Nanjing. By doing so, they segregated the works written by Nanjing natives and by “outsiders”, and through this process they sought to enforce a Jinling men identity and their interpretation of what was considered “Jinling”. In Chapter 3, I will discuss the publication of pictorial guides including maps and how the maps and pictures in these guides reflected the Nanjing natives’ reinterpretation of Nanjing’s physical space and history. Through comparing the maps and pictures, I will show that the Nanjing natives were immensely proud of their locale’s long history being a capital city. They celebrated the connection of the locale’s history with the national history of previous dynasties for it had been the capital and emphasized that the natural topography of Nanjing ensured that their locale was destined for the glorious role of being a capital city that stood the test of time. Their pride in their locale was thus independent of state policies. This was their answer to the awkwardness of their locale being relegated into a southern capital. Chapter 4 revolves around religious writings that these Nanjing natives wrote. By looking at these texts, I will highlight how the Nanjing elites attempted to tie the famous monasteries of their land tightly to their locale and gave it a local flavour. At the same time I will also talk about their attitudes towards state intervention in 13 religion, as reflected in their writings about religion, and show that these Nanjing natives were not adverse to the state’s invention in religious method. In fact there were times when they seemed to welcome it, and even encouraged state officials to take a more active role in participating with religion in their locale. This suggests to me that while these native Nanjing literati were concerned with forging a local identity and promoting local pride, they were not keenly pursuing a more active role for local elites to participate in local affairs. Although I divided my discussions according to the above mentioned literary works, these genres are not mutually exclusive. For example, the miscellaneous notes include writings regarding religion as well as maps and guides. As a result, the distinction between these genres may be blurred. Therefore it is essential to look at the Nanjing natives’ works of various genres as a coherent whole in order to understand them better. By doing so, I hope to show that roots of localism had sprouted in late-Ming Nanjing, characterized by a blending of the “national” in Nanjing’s local pride and identity in which the state was absent from. 14 Chapter 2 Recording the Miscellaneous History of Nanjing in Biji What did it mean to be a Nanjing native in late Ming Nanjing? This chapter looks at the biji 筆记genre (miscellaneous notes) written by Nanjing natives, paying special attention to how they construct a local identity whilst negotiating Nanjing’s past with the present. The biji as a genre was random in nature and followed no strict structure dictating what the contents should be about or how they were to be arranged. For instance, a particular biji could praise the scenery of a location whilst the next entry could record a particular event or a particular person. Such randomness can easily disorientate the reader and give one an impression that the biji lacked coherent themes or purpose. However, in-depth analysis of biji can reveal a lot about the intentions of the author. In addition, as Fei Siyen argued that it was “a relatively more inclusive and less structured narrative parameter (compared with other modes of place writing), biji provided a fitting medium to express the amorphous character of urban experience.” 15 While Fei Siyen was dealing with how the biji as a medium reflected the daily experience of urban life in late-Ming Nanjing, I am more interested in asking how the seemingly fragmented nature of biji could allow the Nanjing natives to inscribe the minute details of their locale into their works, which would otherwise be left out of the national’s history. By comparing the biji written on topics related to Nanjing by Nanjing natives and those by literati from other regions, we can observe how the Nanjing natives attempted to construct a narrative of local history that diverged from the official narrative of the national history. The Nanjing natives were clear in their intentions, as can be seen from the preface by Zhou Hui of his book Miscellaneous 15 Fei Siyen, Negotiating urban space, p. 220. 15 Tales of Jinling 金陵瑣事, which was published in 1610. He revealed in the preface that the purpose of writing this book was to: Collate the segments related to Jinling during Ketan (guest talks) and arrange them into 4 parts and name it Suo Shi. The name Suo Shi covers what one cannot see in the national history, includes those which the county and prefecture gazetteers are unable to include. They are all miscellaneous details only. As these miscellaneous details match the narrow opinions of mine, hence I picked up my pen and wrote them into this book. As for tales and wild rumours that cannot be verified, I dare not include them in this book. 廼取客談中切於金陵者錄成四帙，名曰《瑣事》。蓋國史之所未暇 收，郡乘之所不能備者，不過細瑣之事而已。以細瑣之事與管穴之見 16 相投，故搖筆紀之。爾若掞張無實，與暗昧難稽，余則未之敢也。。 Zhou Hui explicitly highlighted in the preface that the miscellaneous details he wrote about were neither found in the national history, nor in the official local history as recorded in the prefecture gazetteers. From his words, it seems that he classified history into a three-tiered structure with national history being one, county or prefecture history being another, and miscellaneous local history being the last. What is striking in his statement is that he denounced the contents that he wrote about as unworthy of being listed in the state’s national discourse of history. Yet one must ask, since these miscellaneous details were not very important to the national history, why did Zhou Hui deem it necessary to document them and publish them as a book? The reason as I see it was that although these miscellaneous details were not important to the discourse of the national history, they were important to the history of Nanjing, or Jinling as Zhou Hui prefers to call it, as a locale. As Zhou Hui proclaimed, these miscellaneous details would not be able to find their way into the official corpus of national history, and thus the genre of biji was a useful medium for natives of Nanjing to record them. 16 Zhou Hui 周暉, Jinling Suoshi 金陵琐事(Miscellaneous Tales of Jinling) ,(Taibei: Xinxing Shuju, 1984), p. 1352. 16 Furthermore, Zhou Hui was a man of little influence and lacked financial abilities to participate or influence the compilation of local prefecture gazetteer. It was possible that he saw the biji genre as a suitable chance for less well-to-do literati like him a chance to partake in the writing of history of their locale. In fact his Miscellaneous Tales of Jinling would not have been published had he not received the help of his friend. The contents of Miscellaneous Tales of Jinling were originally from the book Guest Talk From Shangbai Study Room 《尚白齋客談》, which was never published. Zhou Hui claimed that the tales were told to him by his guests and he merely recorded them. It was only when his friend Wang Yuanzhen 王元禎from Ma Cheng麻城(in present day Hubei province) saw his works and persuaded him to publish, so that his name would not be forgotten by the world, that Zhou Hui set out to consolidate the fragments that were related to Jinling and compile them into Miscellaneous Tales of Jinling. 17 The book was so popular that soon after its publication Zhou Hui wrote two sequels to it titled Sequel to Miscellaneous Tales of Jinling 續金陵瑣事and Second Sequel to Miscellaneous Tales of Jinling二續金陵瑣 事. These miscellaneous tales were fragments of history; they were details of the living experience of people in Nanjing and as such, could not be written by anyone from outside of Nanjing. The identity of the author therefore became an important criterion when judging the factuality and reliability of these minute accounts about the history of Nanjing. In his preface, Zhou Hui emphasised his identity as a Jinling man（金陵人）: (Just like when) Sun Guangxian of the Tang dynasty mocked Shan Ren’s (named Tang Qiu) poems for not exploring further than two hundred miles in his Bei Meng Suo Yan (Miscellaneous Talks of Northern Dreams). I’m so 17 Ibid, p. 1350. 17 ashamed. His (Sun Guangxian’s) words were right. I’m honestly just a Jinling man! 唐孫光憲《北夢瑣言》譏山人唐球詩思遊歷不能出二百里外。余甚愧 乎。其言嗟夫。余誠金陵人而已！ 18 Zhou Hui might had adopted a humble tone (perhaps even cynical) in claiming that he was merely ‘just a Jinling man’, but it was precisely his identity as a Jinling man that gave credibility to his version of the tales about Jinling. It wasn’t a case of him not being capable of writing about things outside of Jinling. As mentioned in his preface, he had to edit out contents that were not related to Jinling when he compiled the Miscellaneous Tales of Jinling from the original versions in Guest Talk from Shangbai Study Room. Such proclamation of his identity demonstrated the passion from a Jinling native on affairs in his hometown. I also see it as an attempt to distinguish his book from other books that focused on Jinling but were written by authors outside of Jinling. Why was it so important for Zhou Hui to flaunt his identity as a Jinling man? Local pride would arguably be one of the most important factors. Elsewhere in his book, Zhou Hui displayed a clear affection for the natives of Jinling. For instance in “Using Natives Fare Better than Recruiting Others”招募不如土著, he denounced the decision to recruit soldiers from other counties and provinces to fight the pirates during the Jiajing 嘉靖 era. In his eyes, the recruitment of these soldiers from other regions had left behind plenty of problems for the residents of Jinling. Not only that, he campaigned for the use of natives from Nanjing, citing that there were people who were courageous and had the ability in defending the region: They (the recruited soldiers) indulge in banditry every day; it is just like setting a tiger free in order to protect oneself. Hence recruiting (soldiers from other areas) is not as good as using natives; the ancients have talked about this in detail before. How can it be said that the southern capital lacks 18 Ibid, p. 1351. 18 people with courage and skills? If they did not have knowledge in dealing with pirates, just pick one-two thousand amongst them, and deploy them at the river, select ten-twenty people who have experience in warfare to be their instructors, one will coach ten, ten will coach hundred, hundred will coach thousand. Within a few years, all of them will be victorious soldiers 日日作賊，所謂放虎自衛者也。蓋招募不如土著，古人言之甚詳。南 都豈無驍勇有武藝之人？倘以為不習倭事，將此輩揀選一二千，卻於 浙，直曾經戰陣處取一二十人為教師，一人教十，十人教百，百人教 千。不數年，皆為勝兵矣。 19 Zhou Hui was advocating that using natives for local affairs would be more beneficial to the local than using outsiders, and that the locals were capable enough to do so. In another part of the book, under the title of “Formations”形勢, he laughed off the notion that Jinling was not able to produce someone of high capability: Zheng Danquan said about Jinling’s (geological) formation, that the mountains are scattered and not consolidated, the rivers flows away and never stay, (this place is) not a capital for royalty. There are also no top scholar, prime ministers. (Furthermore) there are too many hereditary officials, and they have also taken away the Feng Shui of this area. I (used to) love his arguments. The Si-Chou (1589) and Si-Mo (1619) years of the Wanli era, when the top scholars of both years came from here, did I realise his words were not to be believed. 鄭淡泉謂金陵形勢，山形散而不聚，江流去而不留，非帝王都也。亦 無狀元、宰相者。因世祿之官太多，亦被他奪去風水。余極喜其論。 及萬歷已丑乙未，連中狀元，乃知書生之言不足深信。 20 Zhou Hui refuted the claims of Zheng Danquan by quoting the examples of the two top scholars that Jinling produced in the Wanli era, which technically only refuted part of the claims. What Zhou Hui did not debate directly was the claim that Jinling was “not a capital for royalty”, which went against the conventional impression that Jinling was a place where the “Bell Mountain （鍾山）curls like a dragon, the Stone City crouches like a tiger, the home of real emperors and kings.” 21 Perhaps Zhou Hui 19 Ibid, p. 1413. Ibid, p. 1378. 21 鐘山龍盤，石城虎踞，真帝王之宅。（The bell mountain coils up like a dragon, the stone city crouches like a tiger, this really is the home of emperors and kings）This phrase was supposedly 20 19 felt no need to refute that claim as Nanjing was still a capital in his time. The fact that had produced two top scholars in the national examinations in recent times was enough evidence for Zhou Hui to suggest that Zheng’s words were not to be trusted. In this passage, we also see that the fortunes of Nanjing were tied closely with its natural geography. This was a common theme that the Nanjing natives had written about, as we shall see later. Fitting the Local into the National As we saw how Zhou Hui had used his works to distinguish the Nanjing natives as locals and others as outsiders, the question of where the national fits into the equation arises. The tension between Nanjing and Beijing was certainly an issue that boggled the mind of Nanjing natives in late Ming and this no doubt had an influence on how the Nanjing literati viewed their local and the national. Nanjing natives frequently lament the harsh realities of the deteriorating status of Nanjing in their works. Zhou Hui wrote in his Sequel to Miscellaneous Tales of Jinling: Since Chengzu moved the capital to Beiping, most of the dukes and marquis moved to the land of Yen. The palaces in the south were left to collapse and decay. They were all occupied by the crude folks from the town and were no longer recognisable. 自成祖遷都北平，諸公侯多卜居燕地。凡府第之在南者，就自傾圮。 盡被屠沾市兒侵占，莫可辨識。 22 It was clear that to Zhou Hui, Nanjing had gone downhill ever since emperor Chengzu decided to shift the capital to Beijing and change Jinling to Nanjing. Since then, Nanjing was no longer the home for royalty. The tension between the two capitals was also noted by Zhou Hui’s contemporary and good friend, Gu Qiyuan 顧 coined by Zhuge Liang 諸葛亮(181-234) of the Three Kingdom period. This phrase was frequently quoted and can be found in Hongwu Zhi 洪武志. Yongle Dadian Fangzhi Jiyi 永乐大典方志辑佚 p. 432. 22 Zhou Hui, Xu Jinling Suoshi 續金陵瑣事(Sequel to Miscellaneous Notes on Jinling) (Taibei: Xinxing Shuju, 1984) p. 1952. 20 起元(1565-1628) under the title Two Capitals 兩都 in his Kezuo Zhuiyu 客座贅語, or Superfluous Talk with Guests. He first talked about the criticism of Nanjing by some officials with regard to its practicability and functions: The director of the Ministry of Revenue, Xie Bin from Longxi, wrote in the gazetteer for his department that “The Shang court shifted capital five times; they never deployed their officials in old capitals. The Zhou court built the city of Luo but only assigned overseers. Only prefects for capitals were appointed for the old capitals of Han and Tang. The Song court merely assigned protectors for its western capitals. Overseers, prefects for capitals are like prefects of our time. I have never before heard of building two capitals with all six ministries like today. There is a saying that the capital is the focal point of the masses, no two objects should be of the same grandness, and there should only be one source of authority. Hence it is said that the Ministry of Personnel in the southern capital does not take part in the assignment of officials, the Ministry of Rites does oversee the civil examinations, the Ministry of Revenue does not have real capabilities to collect or disperse money, and the Ministry of War does not have any acts of deployments.” Compared to the ancient these are surplus personnel. 戶部郎龍溪謝彬志其部事，論曰：商遷五都，不別置員。周營雒邑， 惟命保釐。漢、唐舊邦，止設京尹。宋於西京，僅命留守。保釐、京 兆，即今府尹是已。未聞兩都並建六卿如今日也。說者以為京師者大 衆之謂，物無兩大，權以一尊。故謂南吏部不與銓選，禮部不知貢 舉，戶部無歛散之實，兵部無調遣之行，視古若為冗員。 23 Xie Bin was the Minister of Revenue during the Jiajing era in Nanjing. His observations were a scathing attack on the southern administration and certainly did Nanjing’s reputation no good. Unlike Zhou Hui or Gu Qiyuan, he was not a native of Nanjing and he had no qualms in belittling the importance of Nanjing to the Ming empire. His negative comments about the ministries in Nanjing were included into the official discourse of history for Ming. Gu Qiyuan, on the other hand, was a native of Nanjing who returned after retiring from high posts in the court of Beijing. He wrote the book Superfluous Talk Gu Qiyuan 顧起元, Kezuo Zhuiyu 客座贅語 (Superfluous Talk with Guests) (Taibei: Xinwenfeng Chubanshe, 1984), p. 443. 23 21 with Guests, in which he quoted and retorted to Xie Bin, in 1617. His reply to Xie Bin’s claims was: Alas! How would he know about the extensive strategy of the country? The palaces and tombs of the emperor is here, the matters pertaining to the six armies protecting the city, the maps of palaces and treasuries that are stored here, the focal point of the wealth in the southeast region, although there are six ministries to govern it, the fear is that it is still not sufficient, how can one view them as surplus to requirements? 嗚呼，是豈知國家之深計長慮哉！夫宮闕陵寢所在，六軍城守之事， 府庫圖籍之所儲偫，東南財賦之所輻輳，雖設六卿以分理之，猶懼不 給也，可以為冗員而輕議之！ 24 Gu Qiyuan was arguing for the importance of Nanjing not as a subsidiary to Beijing, but as an important part of the empire’s plan to properly govern the riches in the south eastern region. He further added to his arguments that: Alas! Qiu Wenzhuang (1418-1495) once said that “the source of the world’s wealth came from the southeast, with Jinling as its focal point. Battle steeds are abundant in the northwest, and Jintai (Beijing) is its focal point. To have two capitals concurrently is to be able to govern from the center, with sufficient food and soldiers. It is in accordance to the terrain and situation, and it is for the extremes of all four directions. 嗚乎，丘文莊公有言：「天下財賦，出於東南，而金陵為其會；戎馬 盛於西北，而金臺為其樞。並建兩京，所以宅中圖治，足食足兵，據 形勢之要，而為四方之極者也。」 25 Once again Gu Qiyuan argued that both the northern capital and southern capital had their functions to play and they had to work in tandem in order to ensure the wellbeing of the entire empire. There seemed to be a real need amongst Nanjing natives to defend the functionality and prestige of Nanjing due to the relegation of Nanjing from the sole capital of the empire into a subsidiary capital. Gu Qiyuan further elaborated: However, although the imperial vessel has been settled in the north, the spirit still resides in the south. Furthermore the boat and oar of the water palaces still accompanies the offices of the capital (Nanjing) as before, hence peace for a millennium can be preserved, and therefore the significance is profound. How can the nations and states of the ancient times be compared with this? 24 25 Ibid. Ibid. 22 然龜鼎雖奠於北，神居終表於南。且水殿之舟楫猶供，陪京之省寺不 改，所以維萬世之安，意固遠也。豈前代舊邦可得而並論哉！ 26 While previously Gu Qiyuan talked about the practical functions of Nanjing, here he talked about the symbolic functions of Nanjing. Whether or not the imperial vessel, which is a symbol of the imperial seat, lay in Nanjing was not the main factor that rendered Nanjing as an important place. The ritualistic symbols of the temples and palaces were still found in Nanjing and they would help ensure that the empire attained an enduring peace. From the texts of Gu Qiyuan and Zhou Hui, we can see that the shift of the Jingshi京師from Nanjing to Beijing was in their opinion the primary factor that led to the change in fortunes of Nanjing. The undermining of Nanjing by outsiders was a serious concern for them. The fact that they found it necessary to defend their homeland in their texts, refuting claims that Nanjing had lost its former glories and was no longer important to the empire as its ministries were nothing more than a white elephant, hinted that people who held a negative view on Nanjing were not the minority. As their texts showed, they took pride in their homeland and were actively promoting the place, as well as its people. Their revelation of local pride hinted at budding localism among the Nanjing literati, particularly in the way these Nanjing natives looked upon themselves as Jinling men and the way they perceived the history of Nanjing. Peter Bol said in his article The “Localist Turn” and “Local Identity” in Later Imperial China that a “localist turn following an era of statist policies is something of a pattern in Chinese history.” 27 For the case of Nanjing, the presence of the state was always present throughout the Ming. Hence Nanjing was unique in that sense. However, with the shifting of the Jingshi to Beijing, I argue that the Nanjing 26 Ibid. 27 Bol, “The ‘Localist Turn’”, p. 4. 23 literati showed signs that were similar to the rise of localism in other regions as studied by various scholars. Promoting Local History Bol hypothesized that a localist turn could be discerned from a development in which “a local literati community emerged that recognized that its future was tied to its locale” and his study of the Jinhua金華literati in Wuzhou showed a keen interest amongst the literati in “compiling records and histories of the locality.” 28 This process was certainly evident in late Ming Nanjing as well. Just as Fei Siyen argued in her work, the literati in Nanjing appeared to be a close-knit group. For example, Sheng Shitai盛時泰was a close friend to the son of Chen Yi, who was the author of the Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling, and also a close friend of Zhou Hui. Sheng Shitai’s book The Gazetteer of Ox Head Mountain牛首山志was endorsed and prefaced by Jiao Hong焦竑(1540-1620), who was a family friend to Gu Qiyuan and Zhu Zhifan朱之藩. 29 Zhou Hui and Gu Qiyuan were not the only ones who showed an interest in writing about the history of Jinling either. Jiao Hong wrote The Old Memories of Jinling金陵舊事while Sheng Shitai wrote a number of books about Jinling including The Gazetteer of Ox Head Mountain, The Mini Gazetteer of Qixia Mountain栖霞小志 and The Records of the Beauty of Jinling金陵紀勝. The large corpus of text that detailed the history of Jinling emerging in this era was certainly a phenomenon that mirrored that of other places in China where scholars had determined a localist turn to have happened. 28 29 Ibid, p. 9. Fei , Negotiating urban space, p. 26. 24 What is interesting to note is that the books written by these Nanjing natives had a similar feature; they all used the term “Jinling” instead of the more current term of “Nanjing” or “Yingtian Prefecture” as the title of their books. This alone would not be telling unless contrasted with the titles of books written by non-Nanjing natives who wrote about Jinling, such as Accounts of The Subsidiary Capital留都見聞錄by Wu Yingji吳應箕(1594-1645). My contention is that the Nanjing natives chose the old name of “Jinling” due to its reference to the city’s former glories, and they wanted to write the history of Jinling in their own way, outside of the nation’s official history, as I discussed previously in relation to Zhou Hui and his Miscellaneous Tales of Jinling. Had they used the terms “Nanjing” or “Yingtian Prefecture”, it would not have helped their cause to celebrate their locality due to the stigma of Nanjing amongst many officials at that time, as exemplified by Xie Bin. Their aim, I hypothesize, was to extend the history of Jinling beyond that of the official discourse of Ming so as to showcase the glorious history of Jinling. Not only that, the use of the historical term “Jinling” gave the Nanjing natives an important edge over other terms like “Nanjing” or “Yingtian prefecture”, as the history of the term “Jinling” itself stretches further than the history of Ming dynasty. In an article discussing historical writings in Southern Song and Yuan Wuzhou, Peter Bol argued that “every locality has a history that transcends all the dynasties.” 30 For the Nanjing natives, the term “Jinling” was perfect for them to celebrate the history of their locale beyond that of the Ming dynasty’s official discourse of history and to isolate the prosperity for their locale from the patronage of the Ming’s imperial house. It was their way of saying with or without the Ming court, Jinling would always be land fit for royalty due to its natural geography, and earlier history had proven that Jinling was indeed a land of 30 Bol, “The Rise of Local History”, p. 60. 25 prosperity. However, their efforts in isolating the prosperity from the Ming’s court do not mean that they were rejecting the state totally. As we saw in Gu Qiyuan’s arguments, he was actively promoting Jingling as being important to the well-being of the empire as a whole. It was the same for Zhou Hui when he referred to the episode of Jiang Bin and how the officials in Nanjing managed to kept his evil schemes in check. What was clear though was that the Nanjing natives could no longer count on the state for their local prosperity, they needed to prove that with or without the state’s patronage the locale would continue to prosper, hence their interest in compiling and writing the history of Jinling. Nanjing natives’ passion in writing and compiling the history of Jinling was evident in Gu Qiyuan’s Superfluous Talk with Guests. In chapters listing maps, gazetteers, and biographies about Jinling and its people, Gu Qiyuan distinguished between books on Jinling written by its native and books written by outsiders. The two sections entitled “Various Gazetteers by Natives of Jinling”金陵人金陵諸志 and “Various Gazetteers of Nanjing”南京諸志 are side by side. In the first section of Various Gazetteers by Natives of Jinling, Gu Qiyuan listed out the gazetteers written by his fellow Nanjing natives with no comments. Only those titles written about Nanjing by non-natives are identified that way, as if to subtly reserve the right to write about Jinling to natives. Furthermore, Gu used the term “Nanjing” when talking about official gazetteers or those written by non-natives, while reserving the term “Jinling” for natives. This created a line between “Us” and “Outsiders”. Fostering Local Identity What were the differences in the works between the Nanjing natives and the “Outsiders”? This is not an easy question to answer as the “Outsiders” were not a 26 consciously coherent group. They were simply people who wrote about Nanjing, but were not born there. Some of them were officials who wrote about Nanjing in official gazetteers like Xie Bin did. Some of them were travelling literati who used Nanjing as a setting for their lyrical works, such as Zhu Chaoying 朱朝瑛(1605-1670), who wrote the book Touring Stalk in Jinling 金陵遊草 . Some were visitors to Nanjing and merely wrote about the tales they heard about Nanjing, such as Lu Cai 陸采 (1495-1540) and his Guest Talks from Ye City 冶城客論. Usually, the works by these “Outsiders” did not have any unified theme, nor did they view themselves as a group. Instead of looking at what they wrote about, it was perhaps more telling to see what they didn’t write about. Unlike the Nanjing natives, they did not write about Nanjing in order to celebrate its history or promote the locality and its people. Take Zhu Chaoying for example, he might had used the term “Jinling” instead of Nanjing in his book title, but the term “Touring Stalk” from his title indicated that he was nothing more than a sojourner in Nanjing, and his affiliation with Nanjing was not on the same level as the natives. Zhu Chaoying was a poet born in the final years of Ming dynasty and his book was published after the fall of the Ming. His usage of the term “Jinling” was more likely to be in line with literary traditions than affection for the locale itself. In a preface written by his friend Zhang Hua 張华 from a poet society mentioned that when reading this book, he had a visual tour of Jinling: (Sights from the tour of Jinling) The old system of the founding emperor, the beauty of the customs, the various scenic locations of city walls, mountains and rivers, all were written as poems to express the intense patriotism of the author. （遊金陵之覽）高皇帝之遺制，風俗之美，城郭山川諸勝，因發為詩 以道其忠義激烈之懷。 31 31 Zhu Chaoying 朱朝瑛 Jinling Youcao 金陵游草 (Shifting Stalk in Jinling), I’ve used the microform version of this work kept in the library of National University of Singapore. 27 As can be seen, the author and his fellow poet looked at Jinling from the vintage point of view that it was the city with systems laid down by the founding emperor. Their sentiments were more of a nostalgic reminiscence of the old empire rather than of the locale. What made Jinling special to these “Outsiders” was its former status of being the capital of Ming. We must be careful though when looking at this example, for the author and his book was written way after the time when Gu Qiyuan had drawn that line between the “Outsiders” and natives of Jinling. However the lack of affectionate sentiment towards Jinling as a locale should not be too different from the contemporaries of Gu Qiyuan in the “Outsider” group. Another example of a book written by an “Outsider” was the Guest Talks from Ye City by Lu Cai. This book was a collection of tales Lu Cai, a native of Chang Zhou 長洲, heard from his guests during his time in the city. The tales were mostly linked to the supernatural or incredible stories and had little relation to the city of Nanjing. For example in the tale named “Chen Cures Dental Problems”陳氏治齒, neither the guest who told him the tale nor the subject of the story was from Nanjing: Chen from Fujian said in a city called Twenty Third City in Youxi County there lived another Chen who could cure dental problems. His method was to let his patient drink a medicine such that he will be oblivious to the pain. After which Chen will use an awl to remove the tooth, wash the gum and administer medicine to the root of the tooth, replant the tooth and administer more medicine on the outside. The patient only had to keep his mouth open for three days and his problems will be cured. 福建陳先生言，尤溪縣二十三都陳氏，本田家也，能治齒疾。其法以 藥引入，令不知痛，乃以錐鑿悉去其齒，洗凈爛肉，服藥其根而種 之，又塗藥於外。開口三日即愈。 As can be seen, Lu Cai’s tales could have nothing to do with Nanjing at all. Such books were not helpful to the Nanjing natives’ cause, and therefore a line was drawn between them. 28 The Nanjing literati were even keener to draw a line against works like Wu Yingji’s Accounts of the Subsidiary Capital that gave unflattering views of Nanjing. An example is this excerpt titled “Government Offices”公署: The various official buildings in Nanjing are no longer as they were in the beginning of the empire. However, we can still imagine and visualize their old grandeur by looking at their old sites. The offices of the six ministries are scattered and constricted, for example the Ministry of Justice is so dilapidated that it offers no shelter from the winds and rain. Only the bigger offices were recognizable by the recorder. 南京各衙門已非國初之舊，然觀其故址亦可想見當時制作氣象。六部 司署公署零星狹隘，若刑部諸司幾不蔽風雨矣，惟各大堂公署有足紀 者略識一二。 32 Like Xie Bin, Wu Yingji’s views were undermining Nanjing’s reputation and were detrimental to the Nanjing natives’ cause. In another excerpt, “Gardens and Pavilions”园亭, he criticised the scenic landscaping of Nanjing: I visited the sites of the gardens and pavilions of Nanjing that were recorded in books. Only one out of ten was close to its description. The rest of them were only stones accumulated into mountains and puddles converted into pools. 南京園亭見於紀載者，余訪其跡，十不得一近。時所營不過累石為 山，畜淤為池。 33 Not only did Wu Yingji give an unflattering view of Nanjing’s scenic spots, his comments were also critical of the records written about these scenic spots. In the preface to his book, Wu Yingji even claimed his book would be useful to any visitor, as he had personally visited all the sights he wrote about: The old saying of Jianye as a land of curling dragon and crouching tiger was a description of the landscape of this place. There are many mountains and rivers here that are worthy of a visit by the traveller. Although the state of these sites and the reputation that they were attributed varies in various records, there are only a handful of really famous sites. I personally visited these sites and recorded them in my book. 32 Wu Yingji 吳應箕 Liudu Jianwen Lu 留都見聞錄 (Accounts of the Subsidiary Capital), see Guichi Xianzhe Yiji 貴池先哲遺集 (Collections of Works by the Late Thinkers of Guichi) , vol. 5, (Yiwen Yinshuguan, Republican era), p. 579. 33 Ibid, p. 528. 29 Those who visit this place may use my book as a guide, and could it not be used for those who would like to visit this place and yet haven’t done so as a substitute for actual travelling? 古稱建業為龍蟠虎踞之地，此形勝之說也。其地山川清麗可恣遊玩者 甚多。雖跡之盛衰，名之顯晦，今夕紀載各有不同，要之為名區勝概 者可指而數也。余以登臨所至輒為記之，俾至此地者可向余錄問津， 即足跡未及而又有盛情者知不以此為臥遊乎。 34 A book written about Nanjing by an “Outsider” to be used as a guidebook for a visitor to Nanjing, and with such unflattering views on Nanjing, would probably be the type of books that Gu Qiyuan wanted to draw the line against. When put in comparison the books written by the natives and the “Outsiders”, it is clear that there was a gulf in their attitude towards Nanjing as a locale. Having compared biji written by both natives and non-natives of Nanjing, we can pick up a few observations. First, the Nanjing literati community was found to have taken a strong interest in writing about their locale in the late-Ming era. Their actions should be considered as a group movement rather than solitary efforts given that they all had a similar theme in their writing, in glorifying or defending Jinling. Secondly, biji as a genre facilitated this movement, as it allowed authors like Zhou Hui to include miscellaneous details that would otherwise have been neglected in the official discourse of national history. The significance of this was that these details were congruent to the daily experience of the residents in Nanjing and gave an insight to life in Nanjing that could not have been written by a non-native. The status of the author as a native of Nanjing gave his book greater authenticity. Thirdly, by emphasising the author’s origin, Nanjing natives were attempting to draw a line between the natives and non-natives when writing about Nanjing. Both Zhou Hui and Gu Qiyuan, as well as other authors not discussed earlier had the inclination to emphasis their identity as a Jinling man. 34 Ibid, p. 513. 30 With these observations in mind, how can we make sense of the actions by these Nanjing natives? Peter Bol wrote in his article about Jinhua literati that “‘Jinhua’ as a place and a past was an empty signifier”, and that the literati needed to persuade the locals to start thinking about themselves in terms of Jinhua and to “make this communal quality a vital part of their identity as individuals.” 35 Indeed the value of a place as part of a person’s or a community’s identity does not come naturally. Locals needed to be convinced to identify themselves as a group that shared a common denominator of being attached to the same locale. One important way of achieving this goal was to write vigorously about the locale, so as to inscribe pride amongst the natives for their locale. When seen in this light, the actions of the Nanjing natives make sense. As we had seen in comments from various authors regarding the situation of Nanjing in their time, Nanjing in the eyes of non-natives was a place where the former glories were no longer there and the prosperity of Nanjing was no longer important to the state or empire as a whole. The natives who resided in Nanjing needed to rethink Nanjing in terms of its own history and culture, rather than its awkward status of being a subsidiary capital, hence the preference for the name “Jinling” over “Nanjing”. In the course of writing about Jinling’s past and present, they forged a common identity of being a “Jinling man”. Their efforts to create local pride and local identity falls in line with the general course of history which Bol had described, that “there was a ‘localist turn’ in the sixteenth century in contrast to the more statist enterprise of the Ming founding.” 36 However, rather the change in policies, it seemed that it was the shifting of capital to Beijing, resulting in the demise of Nanjing, that caused this shift in attitude amongst the Nanjing natives. This shift in attitude was gradual, beginning with Chen Yi’s Historical and 35 36 Bol, “The ‘Localist Turn’” p. 25. Ibid, p. 3. 31 Contemporary Atlas of Jinling, which was published in the mid-Ming period. It is with this train of thoughts that I will continue to discuss the visualization of the locale by Nanjing natives as epitomized in the publication of Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling and Illustrated Odes on Jinling金陵圖詠in the next chapter. 32 Chapter 3 Re-Imagining Nanjing in Pictorial Guides The way in which the Nanjing natives conceptualized Nanjing as Jinling, representing a shift from thinking in terms of the nation to the local, ias best exemplified by the publication of Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling in year 1516 and Illustrated Odes on Jinling in 1623. Although published more than a century apart, the works were republished together as a volume in 1624. The Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling, as its name suggests, was a collection of maps that Chen Yi drew according to historical sources that detailed how Nanjing looked before the Ming dynasty, as well as contemporary maps of Nanjing in the Ming. The Illustrated Odes on Jinling, on the other hand was a collection of poems paired with drawings of Nanjing’s famous scenic sights. The orientation and composition of these two works were vastly different. In the preface to Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling written by Zhu Zhifan, the author for Illustrated Odes on Jinling, he claimed that although the atlas gave brilliant textual and illustrated details of Jinling it was slipping into obscurity, and that by adding it into the second publication of Illustrated Odes on Jinling he hoped to increase the profile and readership of the atlas. Zhu clearly achieved his motive, for the images from Chen Yi’s Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling were so influential that later authors of pictorial guides used his maps in their own books. For example, maps in the popular Qing pictorial guide Collections of Moling《秣陵集》written by Chen Wenshu 陳文述（1771-1843）was found to be copied from Chen Yi’s work. This issue was addressed in the postscript of a later version of the atlas written by Liu Yizheng 柳詒徵（1879-1956）: 33 Among the people who toured Jinling, most had a liking for Chen Yunbo’s Collections of Moling.The maps in the Collections of Moling, were all directly copied from Chen Lunan’s Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling yet, (Chen Yunbo) did not mention the origin of these maps. 游金陵者，多嗜讀陳云伯《秣陵集》。《秣陵集》所載圖考，皆直錄 陳魯南《金陵古今圖考》而不言其所自。 37 Why was Zhu interested in promoting the atlas? First of all Chen Yi, the author, was a fellow native of Nanjing. As mentioned in the previous chapter, Nanjing natives such as Gu Qiyuan made it a point to classify works done by Nanjing natives separately from works by ‘outsiders’, and in doing so strived to promote images of Nanjing through the natives’ eyes. It certainly seems plausible that Zhu Zhifan had the same intention when he included Chen Yi’s work in his publication. Not only that, The Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling included many maps of ancient time Nanjing. Hence in promoting the works of Chen, Zhu was in fact celebrating the works of a fellow native and also promoting the images of ancient Jinling drawn by a fellow Nanjing native. The publication of the Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling along with the Illustrated Odes on Jinling was part of a larger project by these Nanjing natives to celebrate and foster the local identity of a Jinling man. In this chapter I will discuss how and why the Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling and Illustrated Odes on Jinling were used to promote an image of Jinling by the Nanjing natives. However, the context of this project cannot be fully understood without first looking at an earlier project by the Ming founding Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang, in which he gave orders for the compilation of another atlas: Atlas of Hongwu’s Capital City 洪武京城圖志. This earlier project was intricately linked with Chen Yi’s Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling. 37 Liu Yizheng 柳詒徵 Jinling Gujin Tukao Ba 金陵古今圖考跋 (Postscript to The Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling), see Chen’s The Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling, p. 101. 34 Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City and the Construction of a New Nanjing The Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City is a collection of maps and pictorial guides detailing the capital city of Nanjing and various institutions or landmarks such as schools, temples, monasteries and bridges during the Hongwu reign. The compilation of these maps was ordered by Zhu Yuanzhang himself and completed by the Ministry of Rites. Like many ancient Chinese maps found in gazetteers, government institutions on the maps in Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City were drawn out of proportion to highlight their importance. The atlas gazetteer began with a “Map of the Imperial City”皇城圖, emphasizing the importance of the emperor to this city and the nation as a whole, followed by “Map of Mountains and Rivers of the Capital City”京城山川圖. In this second map, the edges are filled with natural boundaries such as the river Great River大江running from the southwest of the map up to the northwest, and cutting to the north and northeast. In the south, the Three Mountains三山, Ox Head Mountain牛首山, Square Mountain方 山fill up the edges of the map, with the Green Dragon Mountain青龍山occupying the east section of the map. 38 The capital city is set in the centre of these natural boundaries and the city walls were shown to follow the contour of the natural environment. In subsequent maps of the capital city and its surroundings such as “Map of Temples and Monasteries”廟宇寺觀圖, “Map of Government Offices”官署 圖and “Map of Street, Markets and Bridges”街市橋梁圖, the natural environment also featured heavily as the determinants that shaped the contour of the capital city. The use of the natural environment as the limiting factor for the contour of the capital city was a noticeable change from the older techniques and style of drawing 38 Refer to figure 1a on page 53. 35 official maps. In earlier maps of Nanjing during previous dynasties, the city was always drawn to be a perfect square irregardless of the actual shape of the city. This was because of the notion that an ideal Chinese city, especially capital cities, was to be set in a north-south orientation whilst being square in shape. As noted by Fei Siyen, when the topography of an area didn’t allow for the city to be built in a perfect square, efforts would still be made to represent the city in a square shape for symbolic purposes. 39 Understanding the motive behind the atlas will explain why Zhu Yuanzhang and the Ministry of Rites choose to break with this tradition. The motive for compiling Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City can be deduced by looking at this excerpt from the Right Admonisher 右贊善 during Hongwu’s reign, Wang Junhua’s 王俊華 Notes on Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City《洪武京城圖志記》, in which he proclaimed: The grandeur of the capital city surpasses all predecessors. How can it be compared to the trifling and miscellaneous seats?! Although the emperor has managed this place brilliantly, making the capital as grand as possible, the people living in far flung places have not seen the grandeur of the capital, and hence they are not able to understand the ultimate accomplishment of the emperor’s sagely statesmanship. Hence the emperor ordered the ministry of rites to instruct painters to portray the city in drawings……All who wish to know the scale of this unified kingdom shall understand it at one glance of the atlas. Once the drawings are ready, they are to be printed and shown to all four corners of the world, to let everyone under the heaven who have never set foot in the capital before, all see the grandeur of the capital…… 其宏盛氣象，度越今古，豈區區偏方閏位之可媲擬哉！雖然皇上經營 締構，蓋已極其盛矣，然而遐方遠裔，未睹其盛，無以知聖謨經綸之 至。爰詔禮曹，命畵者貌以爲圖……凡所以大一統之規模者，可以一 覽而盡得知矣。圖成，並鋟諸梓，且摹之以遍示四方，使天下之人， 足跡未嘗一至者，皆得睹其勝概…… 40 From Wang’s proclamation, it is evident that the motive for the compilation of these maps was to showcase to the world the success of Ming ruling house as epitomized in 39 Fei, Negotiating Urban Spaces, p. 137. Wang Junhua 王俊華 Hongwu Jingcheng Tuzhi Ji 洪武京城圖志記 (Memoir of the Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City), see Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City, p. 5 40 36 the grandness of the Ming’s capital city. Zhu Yuanzhang wanted the world to acknowledge the success of his empire by bringing the glory of his capital to them. Another important point to note from the passage was the claim that “the grandeur of the capital city surpasses all predecessors. How can it be compared to the trifling and miscellaneous seats?!” What Wang was saying, as well as what Zhu Yuanzhang wanted the world to know, was that Nanjing (or Yingtian Fu 應天府 as it was called during his reign) had evolved from a lowly county seat in the previous dynasty to the capital of a glorious empire. In fact, it was the first time that Nanjing was the capital for a unified China, despite its long and illustrious history of being the capital for various dynasties. The notion that Nanjing under the Ming administration was far more prosperous than it had been under previous dynasties is also echoed in the preface to Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City written by Du Ze 杜澤: If we see it from this angle, the Jingshi is the foundation of the world, the axle of all states, the court where all messengers converge, the home to the four seas, the role model for all the people, and this is not what the ancient seven dynasties that kept to one corner can compare with. 以此觀之，京師天下之本，万邦輻輳，重譯來庭，四海之所歸依，萬 民之所取正，非遠代七朝偏据一方之可侔也。 41 From these passages, it can be concluded that Zhu Yuanzhang’s Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City was meant to emphasize the uniqueness of Ming’s Nanjing as compared to the area in previous dynasties. Since the purpose of compiling the atlas was to highlight differences rather than continuity, the painters broke with the old cartography traditions. Aligning the contours of the capital city with that of the natural environment, gives the impression that the capital city was built to go with the ‘flow’ of nature. As Fei Siyen has argued, “the Hongwu maps are striking in that they candidly acknowledged, if not highlighted, 41 Du Ze 杜澤, Hongwu Jingcheng Tuzhi Xu 洪武京城圖志序 (Preface to the Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City), see Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City, p. 3. 37 the irregular shape of the city defined by the surrounding terrain.” 42 The significance of acknowledging that contours of the terrain shaped the city was that Nanjing’s topography was long thought of to personify the phrase “coiling dragon crouching tiger”. Such an environment was believed to be fit for royalty. Both Wang Junhua and Du Ze made reference to the “coiling dragon crouching tiger” analogy in their essays. Wang talked about the terrain surrounding Jinling and praised the descriptions by the ancients as accurate: Jinling commanded the Wu and Chu regions, with the heavenly moat runs from the west to the north, mountain ranges arches on the east and south, forming the posture of the coiling dragon crouching tiger, (just like) what the ancients had said, there is no error to this saying. 金陵控扼吳楚，天塹繚其西北，連山拱其東南，而龍蟠虎踞之勢，昔 人之言之，蓋不誣也。 43 Du Ze, on the other hand, commented on the topography of the capital as a unique place designed by heaven and earth: The influence of the coiling dragon crouching tiger posture, the protection offered by the Yangzi River, tightly guarded by the various mountains on its wings. This is really a place designed by heaven and earth. 其龍蟠虎踞之勢，長江衛護之雄，群山拱翼之嚴，此天地之所造設 也。 44 By emphasizing the alignment of the contours of the city with that of the surrounding terrain, it is as if Zhu Yuanzhang was trying to stress to readers that the capital city was build in alignment to heaven’s will or nature’s order. As the place was commonly attributed to be a place for royalty, it made Zhu Yuanzhang’s capital and more importantly, his reign, look more legitimate to the eyes of the readers. By breaking away from the cartographical traditions of the past, it also highlighted the fact that Nanjing of the Ming Empire was not simply a county seat or the capital of a minor state, but that of a unified China. 42 Fei, Negotiating Urban Spaces, p. 138. Wang Junhua, Memoir of the Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City, p. 5. 44 Du Ze, Preface to the Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City, p. 3. 43 38 Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling: Reconnection with the Past Although Chen Yi’s Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling was published only in 1516, more than a century after the publication of Zhu Yuanzhang’s atlas, Chen Yi’s work was intricately linked to Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City. In the preface to his book, Chen Yi explained that: The scale of the city walls changes with time and can no longer be verifiable; (hence) I drew the Congruent Map of Past Dynasties. I’ve attached the verification for each map for the reader to see. If one is interested instead of the details for our current dynasty, there is the Atlas Gazetteer of (Hongwu’s) Capital City for that purpose. 城郭規制，隨世異態，不復可辨，作《歷代互見圖》。因圖附考，以 備觀覽。若夫本朝之詳，則有《京城圖志》在焉。 45 The two atlases also used the same cartographic techniques used in the two atlases. Fei Siyen went as far as to claim that Chen Yi’s atlas was designed to be viewed along with, not in replacement of, Zhu Yuanzhang’s Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City. 46 While it is undeniable that from Chen Yi’s atlas we could detect a significant amount of cartographic influence by Zhu Yuanzhang’s atlas, it is in my opinion not accurate to say that Chen Yi set out to design his atlas to be read in conjunction with the founding emperor’s atlas. 47 While Zhu Yuanzhang’s atlas was a compilation of maps and drawings of the capital city during his reign, Chen Yi’s work was a collection of maps that detailed the changes of Nanjing throughout its history. Instead of looking at Chen Yi’s work as a sequel to Zhu Yuanzhang’s Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City as Fei Siyen suggested, it seems to me Chen Yi’s work was meant to be viewed as an alternative to Zhu’s atlas. 48 45 Chen Yi, Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling, p. 65-66. Fei, Negotiating Urban Spaces, p. 142-148 47 Ibid, p. 128-129. 48 Ibid, p.128. 46 39 Inside Chen Yi’s atlas was 16 maps and after each map was a short description of the changes in Nanjing over time. Among these maps, only 4 of them were related to Ming Nanjing. In other words, the Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling was really about the history of Nanjing’s evolution into a capital city of the whole nation in the form of maps and drawings. The emphasis on history by Chen Yi was what made his atlas distinctly different from Zhu Yuanzhang’s atlas. 49 While Zhu Yuanzhang was looking to make a break with the past, Chen Yi was trying to reconnect with Nanjing’s past by detailing the evolution of Nanjing starting from the time where there was written history for Nanjing. It seems to me that Chen Yi was aware of Zhu Yuanzhang’s intention for his atlas to break away with Nanjing’s past, and this could be the very reason that prompted Chen to compile his atlas in order to re-establish links with Nanjing’s history via his atlas. Chen explained his motivation for drawing the atlas in his preface: My family has lived in the southern capital for 3 generations, and although I have seen the splendors of our capital, I had never investigated what the city looked like in previous dynasties. In the year of Yi-Hai (1615), the maps of this capital are drawn based on the prefecture’s gazetteer, through detailed reading of the old histories, I collected a multitude of writings (about Nanjing’s history) and cross referenced them, before I am finally able to complete this atlas. 予家三世居南都，雖厤覽京闕之勝，莫考前代。乙亥嵗，京尹以府志 屬筆，細繹舊史，博洽群記，參互考索，奈有得焉。 50 Quite clearly, Chen Yi’s atlas was more concerned about history than contemporary images. Unlike Zhu Yuanzhang, Chen Yi’s purpose in drawing the maps was not to glorify the achievements of Ming Nanjing, but more of a nostalgic quest for the long history of Nanjing. 49 Chen Yi’s maps detailed Nanjing from the Wu period up till Ming. For examples of his maps, refer to Fig. 2a to 2d on pages 55-56. 50 Chen Yi, Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling, p. 65. 40 Similarly, Chen Yi paid much less attention to the “coiling dragon crouching tiger” description of Nanjing’s terrain than Zhu, even though Chen followed the cartographical style of Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City, by aligning the city’s contour with that of natural boundaries, Chen Yi used the term only once: The Tang gazetteer proclaimed: There are 4 famous mountains in the Southeast region, namely Heng, Lu, Mao and Jiang. 2 of them are in Jinling. The old name of mountain Jiang was Bell Mountain, and it was the most important mountain of the area,, which the Marquis Wu described as ‘The Bell mountain curling up like a dragon’……In the Northwest are the mountains Mufu, Lulong, Maan, reaching to the west is the stone city, which borders along the river, forming the so called crouching tiger stance. 唐志稱：東南名山，衡、盧、茅、蔣。金陵有二焉。蔣山故名鈡山， 實都邑之鎮，武侯所謂‘鈡山龍盤’是也……又西北為幕府、盧龍、 馬鞍，以達于西，是為石頭城，亦止于江，所謂‘虎踞之形’也。 51 Chen Yi simply described the mountains that gave rise to the metaphor of “coiling dragon crouching tiger” without elaborating on the significance of such a terrain’s connection to royalty. In stark contrast, Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City uses the term several times in the preface and introduction to enforce the idea of Nanjing’s noble aura: In the 36th year of Qin Shi Huang’s reign, Jinling was designated as Zhang County, and Zhang County was (since then) administered. In the 37th year, (Qin Shi Huang) finished his tour of the east and was returning, passing through Wu while traveling via the river, his advisor looked afar at the aura (of Jinling) and said “five hundred years later, Jinling will have the aura of the son of heaven”……What Zhuge Liang meant as “The bell mountain coils up like a dragon, the stone city crouches like a tiger, this really is the home of emperors and kings!”……in the few thousand years since Zhou dynasty, emperors and kings have succeeded each other until today, how are we able to list them all out? 秦始皇三十六年，以金陵為鄣郡，治故鄣。三十七年，東游還，過 吳，從江乘渡，望氣者言：“五百年后，金陵有天子氣”……諸葛亮 所謂“鈡山龍蟠，石城虎踞，真帝王之宅”……自周以來數千年間， 帝王相承，以至於今，豈非歷數也？ 52 51 Ibid, p. 95. Ministry of Rites ed., Huangdu An Assessment of the Maps of Mountains, Rivers, and Confined City of the Royal Capital, p. 7. 52 41 The introduction to the Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City constantly refers to the notion of Nanjing as a home for royalty. Chen Yi’s lack of enthusiasm in promoting Nanjing as the home of royalty appears in the absence of the city outline from the “Map of Various Mountains within the Boundaries”. 53 All that were drawn in this map were the mountain ranges at the north, south and eastern edge of the map with the great river filling up the space on the western edge. Nothing was drawn in the middle of this map except a solitary stream cutting from west to southeast, leaving a large empty space in the middle. In this map, there was no evidence of intention on Chen Yi’s part to “visually demonstrate that Ming Nanjing was the heir apparent for the “royal air” that had become the symbol for this area” as Fei Siyen had claimed. 54 A map that detailed the topography of the region would have been the best opportunity for Chen Yi to go along with the tone of Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City, and if Chen Yi was interested in promoting the notion of Nanjing as a land of royal air, there was no reason that he would pass up this perfect opportunity to do so. In my opinion, it is important to distinguish the difference between Chen Yi’s Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling from Zhu Yuanzhang’s Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Capital City, and not look at Chen Yi’s atlas as “an extensive exegesis of the Hongwu atlas”. 55 The difference in principle behind the formulation of these two atlases is important for us to understand the value of Chen Yi’s atlas to the Nanjing natives who republished his works. This issue shall be dealt with later in this chapter. If Chen Yi did not intend to use his atlas as a tool for glorifying Ming Nanjing, what was he trying to achieve by compiling the atlas? Why was he interested in finding out more about the history of Nanjing? As he had mentioned in his preface, 53 Refer to fig. 2e on page 57. Fei, Negotiating Urban Spaces, p. 144. 55 Ibid. 54 42 his family had only moved to Nanjing for 3 generations and they had known nothing about the history of Nanjing. He collected his sources from old gazetteers and notes and managed to map out the evolution of Nanjing in his atlas. In his atlas, his maps showed the gradual changes of the area over time. For a reader of his book, the deepest impression that the reader will get is how Nanjing expanded from a small locale during the Chu 楚 era to a capital of the Sun Wu 孙吴 state, and eventually developing into the glittering capital city of the Ming dynasty. There is no doubting that maps of Ming Nanjing in the atlas showed the area to be much more developed than in previous dynasties. However, it should not distract the reader from realizing that it was the history of the area that Chen Yi was really concerned with. By detailing the evolution of Nanjing, Chen Yi reconnected Ming’s Nanjing with its past, and it was this reconnection with history as well as Chen Yi’s identity that provided the reasons for Zhu Zhifan and his fellow Nanjing natives to republish and circulate Chen Yi’s atlas more than a century after its first publication. Illustrated Odes on Jinling and the Construction of Local Identity Strictly speaking, the Illustrated Odes on Jinling is of a totally different genre from the two atlases is a collection of poems with matching portraits of Nanjing’s scenic spots. The poems in Illustrated Odes on Jinling detailed the history and the main draws for each scenic sight, with the accompanying drawing and its preface providing the reader with a more visual impression of the attractions at the site. The atlases gave topographic views of Nanjing, while the drawings in Illustrated Odes drawings zoomed in on specific sights, which are much closer to the perspective of a person who was at the site itself. 43 Before we look at the connection between Illustrated Odes on Jinling and Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling, it is necessary to first look at the implications of the publication of Illustrated Odes on Jinling. The collection of poems in this book was authored by various Nanjing natives including the likes of Jiao Hong, Gu Qiyuan and Zhu Zhifan himself. It can be said that this book was a collaboration of efforts from several Nanjing natives dedicated to their homeland. The poems were results of several tours of Nanjing’s various scenic sites. Beside the poems, drawings were added along with a short preface describing the history of the sight. As mentioned previously, these drawings and prefaces gave readers a localized perspective of the sites. When reading the book, the readers are often led through the scenic sights through the eyes of a traveler who was positioned at the site itself. For example, in the drawing of “Cruising Down a Clear Stream”清溪游舫, the view point of a traveler from an elevated point was used. One can not only see clearly the mountains behind the city wall and the stream cutting through the town, but also the bustling life on the banks of the stream and people’s activities on the boats cruising down the stream. 56 This contrast vastly with the topographical viewpoint of the maps in the two atlases discussed earlier. When such a more localized and closed up viewpoint is adopted, details of the locals’ everyday life could be presented in the drawing. As discussed in the previous chapter, the Nanjing natives were able to include such intricate details due to their status as a native living in Nanjing. Like Zhou Hui did with his Miscellaneous Tales of Jinling，Zhu Zhifan also subtly indicated his identity as a Nanjing native that allowed him to compile this book with such details about Nanjing locals’ life. He complained about previous works about the scenic sights of Nanjing to be inadequate: 56 Refer to fig. 3c on page 60. 44 When ever I read them (previous works on Nanjing’s scenic sites), I always lamented about the missing gems. I was born and bred here, and am lucky to be able to recover from my illness here. I stop people touring here all the time to collect from them notes about Nanjing’s scenic sites, eventually I collected forty sights. 有去取覽者，每嘆遺珠。蕃生長於斯，既有厚幸而養痾伏豦。每阻游踪 乃蒐討記載，共得四十景。 57 Although from this passage, it seemed that Zhu’s identity as a Nanjing native was not important as he had collected the notes about these sights from others, but he also emphasized how lucky he was that he was born and bred there, which made it possible for him to collect all these details from non-natives. Another feature of the Illustrated Odes on Jinling was an emphasis on the history of each scenic site. Take for example the preface to the drawing of “Illuminated Tower of the Monastery of Gratitude”報恩燈塔: Outside of the Gate of Amassed Treasures, during the Chiwu period of the Wu dynasty, a foreign monk by the name of Kang, came to Changgan and started practicing Dao (the way), and he was able to deliver the Buddha’s sarira (sacred Buddhist relics). Sun Quan heeded his words and built a pagoda, naming it Jianchu (First Construction), for it represented the beginning of Buddhist pagodas and monasteries in Jiangnan. During the Liang dynasty the monastery was named Changgan Monastery, while in Song it was called Tianxi, it was in the Yongle period when the monastery was given a facelift, and the current name was given to the pagoda…… 在聚寳門外，吳赤烏間，有康居囯異僧，來長干里結茅行道，能致如 來舍利。孫權為建塔奉馬，寺名建初，實江南塔寺之始。梁名長干 寺，宋改天禧，至永樂時鼎新恢括之賜，以今名其塔…… 58 Throughout the book, we see similar emphasis on clarifying the history of each sight. Another example of this emphasis can be found in “The Spectacular Sight of Qixia” 棲霞勝概: Approximately fifty li to the northeast of the prefecture city is abundant with medical herbs that nourishes life, hence the mountain was called She Mountain (Nourishing Mountain). The overlapping ridges and isolated peaks resembled a canopy; hence it was also named San Mountain (Canopy 57 Zhu Zhifan 朱之藩, Jinling Tuyong 金陵圖詠 (Illustrated Odes on Jinling) (Jiangsu: Chengwen Chubanshe, 1983), p. 2. 58 Ibid, p. 76. 45 Mountain). During the Southern dynasties, an acclaimed monk lived here, and turned his house into a monastery. 在府城東北五十里多葯屮，可以攝生，故名攝山。重嶺孤峙，形如繖 蓋，故又名繖山。南史明僧紹居此，捨宅為寺。 59 Given that these sights were the most famous attractions for people touring Nanjing during that time, it was as if Zhu Zhifan wanted to evoke a sense of history in these sights, such that whenever people see or read about these attractions, they would immediately associate it with its long history. By inscribing the history of various sites into one single book, what Zhu Zhifan and his fellow Nanjing natives were doing was compiling a history of Nanjing by piecing together bits of history from different part of Nanjing like a jig-saw puzzle. As I discussed in the previous chapter, Nanjing natives in the late Ming were actively documenting history of Nanjing, paying particular attention to the parts that were left out in the national discourse. Zhu Zhifan’s Illustrated Odes on Jinling further exhibited their passion for their hometown’s history, but to a nation wide audience. In the preface to Illustrated Odes on Jinling, he wrote: Although I am short of talent and my use of intonations are so mediocre, that they do not do justice to the beauty of our mountains and rivers. Nevertheless, by exploring these routes through looking at the drawings, it is scarcely enough to satisfy those who long for a visual tour without leaving his bed. 雖才短調庸，無當于山川之勝。而按圖索徑，聊足寄臥游之思。 60 Zhu Zhifan had intended his book to be a substitute for actually traveling to visit these famous sites, with a set of images and their history conjured by him and fellow Nanjing natives. From this angle, it makes sense that Chen Yi’s Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling was included in and Zhu Yuanzhang’s atlas omitted from the second publication of Zhu Zhifan’s book. Not only was Zhu Zhifan evoking 59 60 Ibid, p. 40. Ibid, p. 3. 46 a sense of history for the locale, he was also promoting an image of Nanjing through the eyes of Nanjing natives. One significant difference between the works of Zhu Zhifan and Chen Yi is that Chen Yi had neglected the symbol of “coiling dragon crouching tiger” terrain, but Zhu Zhifan however emphasized it. His preface says: All counties within the boundaries have their gazetteer, in which famous sceneries are documented. Since the Qin, Han and six dynasties period, Jinling had always been known for its natural beauty, (however)it is when our sagely founder(Zhu Yuanzhang) set up his dynasty here, did Jinling match the aura of royalty that befits the “coiling dragon crouching tiger” terrain. 宇内郡邑有志，必標景物以彰形腞名蹟。金陵自秦漢六朝，夙稱佳 麗，至聖祖開基定鼎，始符千古王氣而龍蟠虎踞之區。 61 In this passage, Zhu Zhifan paid tribute to the founding emperor Zhu Yuanzhang for fulfilling the potential of Nanjing’s “coiling dragon crouching tiger” terrain. The first two sights described in the book are the Bell Mountain and Stone city: two important components of the “coiling dragon crouching tiger” terrain. In the passages detailing each of these sights, he outlined their physical features and why they were given the accolades of “coiling dragon crouching tiger”, as well as the brief history behind them. 62 Zhu Zhifan’s attention to the allegories of Nanjing’s terrain and to the aura of royalty put Zhu Zhifan to be more inline with his contemporaries Gu Qiyuan and Zhou Hui, discussed in the previous chapter. How then does this fit into the discussion of local-national dichotomy of historical discourse? In summary, we have seen in this chapter how Zhu Yuanzhang set out to break the link of Ming Nanjing with its history, and how this history was being reinstated by Nanjing natives Chen Yi and Zhu Zhifan separately. The orientation and genre of Chen Yi’s Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling and 61 62 Ibid, p. 1. Ibid, p. 7-10. 47 Zhu Zhifan’s Illustrated Odes on Jinling were vastly different, yet they played the same role. They both provided a sense of history in their locale, and both works were completed by Nanjing natives. However, Zhu Zhifan’s Illustrated Odes on Jinling had paid much more attention to the “coiling dragon crouching tiger” allegory. This reference to Nanjing as a land for royalty was similar to what we saw from his contemporaries in Gu Qiyuan and Zhou Hui where they in their own work commented on these features. As I had argued previously, these late Ming Nanjing natives while trying to construct a local history of their locality had never forgotten the bigger picture of the national in their works. Zhu Zhifan’s Illustrated Odes on Jinling further elucidated this. His collection of poems on Nanjing by Nanjing natives, and the inclusion of Chen Yi’s atlas in his book, showed his concern with promoting an image of Nanjing (or Jinling as he would have preferred) and its history that was written by Nanjing natives. In doing so, he was contributing to the creation of the local identity of a Jinling man. On one hand, he was using his work as well as Chen Yi’s work to establish a history of Nanjing that stretched beyond the Ming, a history unique only to Nanjing and not to the rest of the empire. On the other hand, he was also highlighting the establishment of Nanjing as a capital of the empire by the Ming founding emperor to be truly fitting to the aura of royalty that the Nanjing terrain warranted. In this respect, the local and the national were brought together again. The relationship between the ‘national’ and the ‘local’ for the Nanjing natives was a perplexing issue. On one hand they strived hard to establish the local Jinling men identity; on the other hand the history of their locale that they sought so hard to promote was intertwined with a national history. The fact that Nanjing was still a capital when roots of localism sprouted meant that the state’s influence over Nanjing was still heavily felt and the construction of local identity carried a strong national 48 flavor. In my opinion, while the Nanjing natives’ version of localism was intertwined with the national, they managed to separate the state from the national by emphasizing the geographical characteristics of their land and attributed the glory of having capitals built on it to its geography rather than to the Ming state. It did not matter which dynasty was holding reign, to the Nanjing natives their land would always flourish as predetermined by the geographical factors. This is not to say the Nanjing natives were anti-state, or that they did not want the state’s presence to be felt in Nanjing. In fact, many of these Nanjing natives had held high posts in the government. As shown in the previous chapter, Gu Qiyuan had argued for the importance of the Nanjing government, claiming that his locale had an essential role to play in the running of the state. My point is that while the Nanjing natives sought to build a local identity, they were not overtly interested in participating in local affairs and they were comfortable with the state’s interference in local affairs. In the next chapter, I will look at writings about religious issues written by the Nanjing natives and discuss the Nanjing natives’ attitudes towards state interference in the local religion scene. 49 Fig 1a: Map of Mountains and Rivers of the Capital City京城山川圖 63 Fig. 1b: Map of Temples and Monasteries廟宇寺觀圖 64 63 64 Ministry of Rites, Atlas Gazetteer of Hongwu’s Imperial City, p. 15. Ibid, p. 26. 50 Fig. 1c: Map of Government Offices官署圖 65 Fig. 1d: Map of Street, Markets and Bridges街市橋梁圖 66 65 66 Ibid, p. 29. Ibid, p. 39. 51 Fig 2a: Map of Wu, Yue and Chu吳越楚地圖 67 Fig. 2b: Map of Moling County in Qin秦秣陵縣圖 68 67 68 Chen Yi, Historical and Contemporary Atlas of Jinling, p. 67. Ibid, 69. 52 Fig. 2c: Map of the Southern Dynasty Capital Jiankang南朝都建康圖 69 Fig. 2d: Map of the Capital City in Ming 明都城圖 70 69 70 Ibid, p. 79. Ibid, p. 89. 53 Fig 2e: Map of Various Mountains within the Boundaries境内诸山图 71 71 Ibid, p. 94. 54 Fig. 3a: Misty Bell Mountain on a Sunny Day鈡阜晴云 72 72 Zhu Zhifan, Illustrated Odes of Jinling, p.7. 55 Fig. 3b: Melting Snow at the Stone City石城霽雪 73 73 Ibid, p. 9. 56 Fig. 3c: Cruising Down a Clear Stream清溪游舫 74 74 Ibid, p.67. 57 Fig. 3d: Illuminated Tower of the Monastery of Gratitude報恩燈塔圖 75 75 Ibid, p. 75. 58 Chapter 4 Defining the Local in Religious writings Having described how the Nanjing natives used their miscellaneous and pictorial guides to create an imagery of Jinling, I shall now turn my discussion towards the forging of the ‘local’ in religious writings. Recent scholarships by the likes of Robert Hymes, Anne Gerritsen and Michael Szonyi have shown how local elites’ involvement in the religious or supernatural world had helped served their purpose to forge stronger local identities. Hymes in his influential book Way and Byway: Local Religions and Models of Divinity in Sung and Modern China provided a detailed analysis of how Southern Sung local elites in Fuzhou helped propagated the cult of the Three Immortals of Huagai Mountain and in doing so, promoted a new model of worship: personal model. This personal model placed emphasis on the direct relationship between the divinity and worshipper that were usually linked together by their locality. Hymes’ work supplemented earlier studies by the likes of Arthur Wolf and Stephen Feuchtwang that saw Chinese gods as metaphor for the state with an alternative in which the state was absent from religion. Michael Szonyi on the other hand focused his studies on lineage developments of clans in Fuzhou of Fujian province from Ming dynasty and described how these clans capitalized on religious activities and occasions to assert their role in local society and the solidarity of their clans. In his studies, Szonyi detailed the changing importance of the state in lending legitimacy to local cults and religions. Anne Gerritsen on the other hand used temple inscriptions to reveal how local elites engaged in national affairs through active participation of local activities. In sum, the works of these scholars confirmed that the religious arena was a fertile soil for localism to take root, as well as a space in which the locality could negotiate with the state. 59 The literati in Nanjing certainly made full use of the religious arena to make their point. In fact, Nanjing in the Ming dynasty was a hot bed of religious activities. This can be seen by the sheer number of religious institutions that were in existence by the late Ming dynasty. The vibrancy of late Ming Nanjing’s religious scene was described in Gazetteer of Buddhist Monasteries in Jinling 金陵梵刹志 : Jinling as the city of kings has famous sites that come top in the country and Buddhist monasteries contributes the most to these scenic sites. Construction of these monasteries started from the Wu dynasty, all the way through the six dynasties and the Liang and Chen dynasties, contributing to the sight of “four hundred and eighty monasteries situated here” that the poet (Du Mu 杜牧) had described. 金陵为王者都会，名胜甲寓内，而梵宫最盛。盖始自吴赤鸟间，迄于 六朝，梁陈，所称四百八十寺者此矣。 76 According to He Xiaorong, the number of Buddhist monasteries that were built or reconstructed from the Wanli reign onwards totaled 21 alone, and a further 32 monasteries were renovated in the same period. The participants of these construction, reconstruction or renovation actives were mainly Buddhist clergy and social elites. 77 These figures besides depicting a vibrant religious environment of Nanjing in the lateMing also revealed a keen interest amongst the Nanjing elites in religious activities. Amidst the flurry of activities in the arena of religion in Nanjing, the Nanjing natives were actively participating in the writing or rewriting of the religious landscape in Nanjing, and in the process renegotiated their locale with the national. This chapter will revolve around the existent works of these Nanjing natives with regards to religious institutions and how the two spheres of local and national were represented by them. 76 Ge Yinliang 葛寅亮 Jinling Fancha Zhi 金陵梵刹志(Gazetteer of Buddhist Monasteries in Jinling) (Yangzhou: Jiangsu Guangling Guji Chubanshe, 1996), p1. 77 He Xiaorong 何孝荣, Mingdai Nanjing Siyuan Yanjiu 明代南京寺院研究 (A Study on Ming Nanjing’s Buddhist Monasteries) (Beijing, Zhongguo Kexue Chubanshe, 2000), p 114 – 119. 60 Inscribing Religion into the Local Scene When writing about religious institutions, the Nanjing natives tended to place these institutions within the context of their environment rather than writing independently about the institutions themselves. Sheng Shitai, for example, wrote about the famous Hongjue Monastery 弘覺寺and Qixia Monastery栖霞寺in his works Gazetteer of Ox Head Mountain牛首山志 and Minor Gazetteer of Qixia栖霞 小志respectively. Although these two works by Sheng Shitai were supposed to be mountain gazetteers, he devoted large sections to writing about the religious institutions situated within the mountain. In fact, the Hongjue Monastery was so dominant in his Gazetteer of Ox Head Mountain that a reader could easily mistake the gazetteer for a monastery gazetteer. For example, Zhang Zhi張智, who co-edited the China’s Buddhist Monastery Gazetteers Series中國佛斯志叢刊in 1996 commented that “The Ox Head Mountain is a famous Buddhist mountain, every blade of grass and every tree, every water body and every stone are all related to Buddhism, hence what were recorded (in the gazetteer) are in reality Buddhist matters.”（牛首山為佛 教名山，山中一草一木，一水一石皆和釋家有關，因此所記皆釋家事） 78 Despite dedicating a large portion of his gazetteer to the monastery, including a section where he included the various stele inscriptions found in the monastery, Sheng Shitai tied the monastery closely to its immediate environment. It seems to me that to Sheng Shitai, the environment in which the monasteries were set in was more important than the monasteries themselves. In the preface to Gazetteer of Ox Head Mountain, he wrote that the purpose for writing this book was: To let the world understand, that what the mountain have, are the cliffs, the springs and the trees and grass. 78 Zhang Zhi 張智, preface to Sheng Shitai’s 盛時泰 Niushoushan Zhi 牛首山志(Gazetteer of Ox Head Mountain) (Yangzhou, Jiangsu Guangling Guji Chubanshe, 1996). 61 使天下曉然，知是山所有，若而巖，若而泉，若而草木哉。 79 Sheng Shitai was telling his readers that little things such as every blade of grass and every single tree were components that made up the mountain. The Hongjue Monastery, though not mentioned in his preface, was another piece of puzzle that forms the bigger picture of Ox Head Mountain. In other words, Sheng Shitai saw, or that he wanted people to see, the Hongjue Monastery as part of the bigger picture of Ox Head Mountain rather than as an individual entity. By framing the Hongjue Monastery within the context of its environment, Sheng Shitai prevented the monastery from being seen as an isolated entity, and instead gave it a local context within the environment it was placed. Sheng Shitai was not the only Nanjing native who framed famous monasteries within the context of Nanjing’s environment. Jiao Hong, one of Nanjing’s most famous sons, was similar in his approach. In his “Record of Donations for the Renovation of Jiashan Monastery”重修嘉善寺募綠疏, he placed the Jiashan Monastery firmly within the context of its environment before going on to talk about the donations for renovation works of the monastery itself: Jinling has been a land of beautiful attractions since ancient times, and the northern suburb is the best among the sites……and the Jiashan Monastery is located at the best spot. It sits in a dip next to the Bell mound, rest next to the Great River, overlooks Lake Cheng, encroaching the Mufu Mountain, and peeks over the chiselled cliffs on the Heavenly Stones. 金陵古佳麗地，而北郊為最。非獨湖山秀暎為選勝者……而嘉善又獨 居其勝。彼其聸鍾阜，枕大江，俯澄湖，挾幕府，闚天石壁鑿。 80 Like Sheng Shitai, Jiao Hong framed the famous monastery within the context of its surrounding even though Jiao Hong’s main purpose was to document the donations 79 Sheng, Gazetteer of Ox Head Mountain, p 2. Jiao hong 焦竑 Chongxiu Jiashansi Mulu Su 重修嘉善寺募綠疏(Record of Donations for the Renovation of Jiashan Monastery), see Gazetteer of Buddhist Monasteries in Jinling, p. 1015. 80 62 for the renovation of the Jiashan Monastery. Again in “Essay on the Restoration of Jiashan Monastery’s Cangyun Cliff”嘉善寺蒼雲崖修葺疏, where he wrote: The scenic sites in the natural environment of the southern capital are famous throughout the land, and among these sites the best can be found in the northeast of the city. The beauty of Xuanwu Lake, Mufu Mountain, Plum Flower Water, Swallow’s cliff all fused together to form a lovely sight, and the Cangyun Cliff of Jiashan Monastery stands out as the best sight among the rocky cliffs . 南都山水聞天下，而城東北為最。玄武湖、幕府山、梅花水 、燕子磯相綺 錯，而以岩石勝者嘉善寺蒼雲崖為最。 81 By describing the environment before documenting the renovation works done of the monastery, Jiao Hong knitted the monastery tightly with its locale. The description of the monastery immediately associates it with Nanjing as with Sheng Shitai’s treatment of the Hongjue Monastery in Ox Head Mountain. Besides framing the monastery within a local context, Sheng Shitai was also able to demonstrate his intimate knowledge of the monastery as a Nanjing native. In the two previous chapters, I have described how the Nanjing natives included intricate details of Nanjing’s everyday life into their works and how their ability to include the most minute of details exemplified their identity as a Jinling man. The obsession with details could also be detected when examining the corpus of religious writings the Nanjing natives wrote. For example, this was how Sheng Shitai described Manjushri Cave 文殊洞 of Hongjue Monastery in his Gazetteer of Ox Head Mountain: The Manjushri Cave is on the right side of Doushuai Cliff and it can accommodate one or two people. In the past a room was built within the cave. Now the monks have changed it into a multi-storey building and named it Manjushri Pavilion. Outside the railings stands a big tree. If one sits by the fence and glances around one will instead see a piece of luxuriant greenery, and when no human traces can be seen you will see birds taking flight and hear their chirpings only. 文殊洞在兜率巖右，容可一、二人。舊有屋覆其間，今僧易為重樓， 名文殊閣。檻外巨樹一，憑欄坐眺則清影蔚薈，翛無人跡時見飛鳥翔 鳴而已。 82 81 82 Ibid, p. 1016. Sheng Shitai, Gazetteer of Ox Head Mountain, p. 19. 63 Sheng not only gave a brief history of the cave, he even described the scenery one can expect to see when viewed in a specific manner or timing. Sheng Shitai then went on to talked about the experiences of other literati who had visited the cave previously. Sheng Shitai’s attention to detail and history was very much similar to examples I discussed in the previous chapters and this proved that the attention to details and history by the Nanjing natives was not a mere coincidence. The Nanjing natives demonstrated intimate knowledge of their locale and the reliability of their description was authenticated by their identity as Jinling men. As a result their works were so influential that they were frequently copied or quoted in subsequent texts that emerged. Sheng Shitai’s description of the Manjushri Cave in Ox Head Mountain was used by Ge Yinliang葛寅亮in the section for Hongjue Monastery in his Gazetteer of Buddhist Monasteries in Jinling. 83 Attitudes Towards State Interference in Religion Religion in the Ming was strongly regulated by the central government. For example, the government required all Buddhist monks and Taoist priests to be registered under the deliverance certification system度牒制度. There was also a Buddhist Registry僧錄司supervised by the Ministry of Rites that accounted for the authenticity and proper conduct of all Buddhist monks and nuns in the country. 84 In addition, monasteries had to seek permission from the Minister of Rites, who was frequently referred to the Grand Ceremonialist大宗伯, before an abbot was to be 83 Ge Yinliang, Gazetteer of Buddhist Monasteries in Jinling, p.1164. Charles Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China 中國古代官名辞典 (Beijing: Beijing Daxue Chubanshe, 2008), p. 405. 84 64 appointed. Whether or these policies were implemented effectively is not the focus of my discussion here. Instead I will focus on how the native Nanjing elites viewed the interference of state in religious matters and their perspective of the state’s ability in doing so. The implication of Ming government’s involvement in religion was that religion became a sphere in which the local could interact with the state, and this certainly was the case for Late-Ming Nanjing. In his book Sheng Shitai talked about the role of the abbot of a monastery and the influence of the Grand Ceremonialist: All the monasteries in the mountains, irregardless of their distance, each has one abbot to lead the monks in chanting before day break and in the evenings, in reciting mantras in accordance to time and all monks are hence kept under control. However, although each monastery has an abbot to lead the monks, an abbot’s position in a monastery is to be determined by the Grand Ceremonialist. Since the Grand Ceremonialist is to be revered, whenever a monastery lacks an abbot to lead the other monks, the people from that monastery will submit their names to the Grand Ceremonialist, and he will select a name among them to be the abbot. When the name is finalised the Grand Ceremonialist will send his subordinate to make the appointment, but the official announcement is issued by the Patriarch of the Buddhist Registry. 凡山寺之遠邇者，各有住持一人以領袖諸緇，使昕夕禪誦，遇時序則 諷唄殿庭，而諸緇皆得轄之。然寺雖有住持一人以轄諸緇，而其去留 惟在大宗伯以陟黜之。大宗伯官既尊崇，遇諸寺缺住持以轄諸緇者， 則寺之眾緇各以名上，而大宗伯即其眾中以遴一人。名既定大宗伯俾 屬曹以行， 而其劄則又出於善世之司。 85 As we can see from Sheng Shitai’s words, the Ming government’s policies heavily interfered with religion. The Buddhist Registry was involved in the allocation of religious positions in the monastery while the Minister of Rites had the final say in the appointment of the head figure in each monastery and this was supposed to dictate how these religious establishments were run. Further down in the same essay, Sheng Shitai lamented about the arrangement in practise, claiming that the Buddhist Patriarch in the Buddhist Registry no longer functioned as it was supposed to. An as a result, the abbots that were appointed by the deputy of the Buddhist Patriarch were “abbots for the various monasteries in name, 85 Sheng Shitai, Gazetteer of Ox Head Mountain, p 75 – 76. 65 but no different from the various monks in reality.”（名雖為諸寺住持，而實與諸 緇無異） 86Here, Sheng Shitai was arguing about the right to appoint abbots in monasteries. In his opinion, since the Buddhist rectifier’s rank was not superior to that of the abbot, he should not be the one to do the appointment. Although Sheng Shitai was criticizing the practice of his time, he did not seem to mind the state’s interference with religion in Nanjing. In fact, one can infer that Sheng Shitai was concerned about the fact that an official of higher authority was not more involved in the appointment of abbots. One can say that Sheng Shitai was very comfortable, if not supportive, of the state’s involvement in religion. According to him, the involvement of the Minister of Rites in the appointment of abbots was rare, and it seemed that he was more in favor of his involvement than the Buddhist Registry. In the same essay he wrote: This autumn there was a vacancy for an abbot in Hongjue Monastery of Ox Head Mountain, and the Grand Ceremonialist heeded the advice of the honorable Hai Rui（海瑞）who suggested that a monk from Tianjie Monastery could fulfill the role of the abbot and went over to select a candidate. The Hongjue Monastery of Ox Head Mountain is a famous monastery in Jinling, and monks around Ox Head Mountain looked up to the abbot of the monastery. Yet since the Hongzheng（弘正）era of Yuan dynasty abbots personally selected by the Grand Ceremonialist were only seen once or twice……The Grand Ceremonialist does not believe the words of others easily, yet once he saw the abbot he granted him alone an official seal of approval. I know that the abbot’s conduct is above those of other monks, and he is well versed in classis from external and internal sources, and needless to say he is elegant yet helpful towards others. 今年秋牛頭山弘覺寺之住持缺，大宗伯見海翁公以天界之僧能住往。牛頭 在金陵為勝刹，住持在牛頭為僧所仰。而大宗伯之劄與住持者自弘正來始 一二見……大宗伯不輕□人一字，而一見獨以劄與住。吾知住之行誼有以 孚□諸緇，而通内外諸書典與，其文雅而好事者不待言可知矣。 87 From this excerpt, we can see that although the Minister of Rites had the authority to grant the official appointments of abbots, such instances were rare, with only a couple 86 87 Ibid, p. 76. Ibid, p. 77. 66 of occurrences dating back to the Hongzheng era of the Yuan dynasty. On the whole, we can see that Sheng Shitai’s main concern was that the appointment of the abbot, especially for a famous and important monastery such as the Hongjue monastery, should only be granted by an official of superior rank such as the Minister of Rites. Here it is obvious that he not only accepted state interference in religion, he even encouraged it. Sheng Shitai’s preference for the involvement of the Minister of Rites over the general involvement of the Buddhist Registry raises an interesting point. While very little research has been done on how the Buddhist Registry operated in Ming dynasty, it is generally believed that the registry had branches in Prefectures府, sub-prefectures 州 and County縣 levels. The official history of the Ming mentions that officials in the Buddhist and Taoist registries were to “keep one major monastery and temple in all prefectures, sub-prefectures and counties and stay in there” （凡各府州縣寺觀，但 存寬大者一所，並居之 ）. 88 Conversely, the Minister of Rites could only be found in capitals. It seems improbable to suggest that the Minister of Rites should take up the duty of appointing all abbots from around then region, needless to say for the entire nation, for the task would had been of an incredible magnitude. However, Nanjing was different from other locales since it was a capital and had the fully functioning Six Ministries六部 located in the city, hence it was possible for the Minister of Rites of Nanjing to personally appoint an abbot for a monastery in Nanjing, especially since he had to evaluate the capabilities of the abbot before giving his seal of approval. Judging from Sheng Shitai’s differing attitudes toward the Minister of Rites and the Buddhist Registry, I argue that the seal of approval from the 88 Zhang Tingyu 張廷玉, Ming Shi 明史 (The Official Ming History) vol. 74, Zhiguan 職官 (Officials) 3 (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1974), p. 1818. 67 Minister of Rites weighed heavier than that of the Patriarch of the Buddhist Registry not only because of the difference in rank, but also because a seal of approval from the Minister of Rites was more befitting for a monastery of a capital. It is also interesting to note that Sheng chose to refer to the involvement of the Minister of Rites back into the Yuan dynasty when Nanjing was only a prefecture and not a capital. This show Sheng Shitai’s vision of history was not confined to that of the Ming dynasty. Mediating the State and Local in Local Religion In his influential paper Gods, Ghosts and Ancestors, Arthur Wolf hypothesized that the supernatural world of the Chinese was that ran parallel to their human world, and that “Chinese religion mirrors the social landscape of its adherents.” 89To Arthur Wolf, the Chinese imperial bureaucracy was so potent that it created a religion of its own image. In the same volume in which Wolf’s paper was in, Stephen Feuchtwang raised the point that Chinese Gods “are a metaphor for the system of authority, the state.” 90The implication of their studies was that the state’s presence was always strongly felt in the Chinese’s experience of the supernatural realm. Since then, their views had been strongly contested or modified by various scholars. Robert Hymes for example introduced a personal model in contrast to Wolf’s and Feuchtwang’s hypothesis. The significance of the personal model is that the relationship between the mundane world and the supernatural world was based on personal relations developed locally, in which the state was absent from. While Hymes promoted the use of the personal model on one hand, he did not reject Wolf’s 89 Arthur Wolf, “Gods, Ghosts and Ancestors”, in Studies in Chinese Studies, ed. Emily Ahern and Arthur Wolf (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1978), p. 131. 90 Stephen Feuchtwang, “Domestic and Communal Worship in Taiwan”, in Studies in Chines Studies, p. 127. 68 hypothesis and instead termed it as the bureaucratic model. Hymes believe that the “two contending models of authority, used in proportions by different social actors, informed alternative or competing strands of religion in the Jiangxi region in the Sung and continue to do so where Chinese worships god today.” 91 If we turn our eyes to Ming Nanjing, we could definitely see that the state played an important role in the shaping of religious thinking, though not necessary reflected in the same structured way that Wolf had described. In this section, I shall continue to discuss the attitudes of Nanjing natives towards the state’s role in religion outside of the Buddhist realm. Zhu Zhifan, the author of Illustrated Odes on Jinling, wrote an essay on the renovation of temple in his native land, in which he related his family’s experience with the supernatural realm. He wrote in “Note on Renovating the Five Epiphany Temple”重修五顯靈觀廟記: Ages ago in the year of Bingzi (Year 1546), my mother fell ill. After prayers made in the temple, she received the blessings and recovered. It has been 25 years since then and we are deeply in gratitude of the blessing from the commendable god. Recently I returned to the old neighborhood, and witness again the new construction of five rooms along the two corridors of the main hall in which sacrifices for the various gods are made. 往嵗丙子，蕃以母病。禱于廟中，致應獲痊。迄今年二十有五年，嘉神 之惠惟深。近歸里中，再覩正殿兩廡重新傍建殿五間以祀羣神。 The theme of repaying gods due to gratitude for their aid should not sound unfamiliar to scholars of Chinese religion. 92The excerpt from this essay with regards to the personal experience of Zhu Zhifan and his family with the supernatural realm, although very brief, is closer to that of the personal model than that of the bureaucratic model as proposed by Hymes. The tale is a simple story of reciprocity between the gods and the devotees. Zhu’s mother had fallen ill and went to the temple 91 Robert Hymes, Way and Byway: Taoism, Local Religion, and Models of Divinity in Sung and Modern China (Berkeley, University of California Press, 2002), p. 3. 92 Zhu Zhifan 朱之藩, Chongxiu Wuxian Lingguanmiao Ji 重修五顯靈觀廟記( Note on Renovating the Five Epiphany Temple), see Jinling Xuanguan Zhi 金陵玄觀志 Gazetteer of Taoist Temples in Jinling (Nanjing: Jiangsu Guji Chubanshe, 2000), p. 249. 69 for prayers, in return the gods gave their blessings and she promptly recovered. Though Zhu mentioned that the temple was situated in his old neighborhood, there was no indication of the locality playing a part in the gods’ efficacy. Later on in the essay, he aligned the efficacy of the temple to be in line with the sacrificial rituals that the state had laid out for the people: When the sagely emperor (Zhu Yuanzhang) first affirmed the vessel, people from the gentry class and the commoners all follow the sacrificial rituals diligently, but they did not discuss demolishing the temple because of its efficacy in fulfilling their prayers. In the second spring of the Jingtai era an imperial monk called Liu and a Company Commander called Anji were sent to this temple, where they burnt incense to perform rituals. After they had been here for some time, they were also able to resonate with the powers from above. If speaking about something that could “protect the people from disasters or harm” is appropriate according to the sacrificial rituals and can last forever, isn’t this temple worthy of its reputation as an efficacious temple? A sense of respect was raised among the people, and they donated their fortunes to start work on the temple. After three uncertain years of expansion and renovation, they not only furnished the rooms in the temple, and were afraid to be lagging behind others in doing so. The people gathered stones and requested people to write essays commemorating this, so as to not let this be forgotten by the villagers. 聖祖定鼎之初，士民嚴供祀事 ，謂有禱輒應，以故不復議毀。景泰二年 春遣奉御劉僧、百戶安吉，致香還祀。起來既久，其感通上。及九重所 穪能為民禦災捍患，合于祀典，垂諸久長者，此祠廟洵足以當之無惑 乎？民心之肅然起敬，翕然捐貲起工。皇皇然三數年間增修葺飭之，不 啻治其室屋，惟恐後也。父老礲石徵文欲紀其事，予未免為鄉人也。 93 In Chinese history, many emperors had given orders for the demolishing of licentious shrines淫祠. Zhu Yuanzhang was one of them. He defined what was meant by a ‘licentious shrine’ in accordance to efficacy. He once decreed that “All shrines of deities in the world that does not respond to the devotees are licentious shrines and no one should continue to pray in them.” 94（天下神祠不應祀典者，即淫祠也，有司 毋得致敬。）Therefore when Zhu Zhifan claimed that the temple was responding to people’s prayers and was hence a legit temple, he was aligning the support of this 93 94 Ibid, p. 249-250. Zhang Tingyu, The Official Ming history , Vol. 50, Li 禮(rites) 4，pp 1306. 70 temple to be in line with the orders of the founding emperor. While this passage does not reflect the imperial metaphor that Feutchwang had described, or the supernatural bureaucracy Wolf had defined, it still reflected the heavy influence that the state had on rhetoric about religion, even at a local level. Zhu Zhifan was much alike his contemporary Sheng Shitai, in the sense that both of them embraced, or at least did not seem to mind, the state’s interference in religion at their locality. So what does the acceptance of state interference in religion tell us about these native Nanjing elites and their construction of local identity? While they were keen about inscribing their local religious institutions with a local flavour, they did not seem to be vying for space in the realm of religions. Instead, they were happy to let the state play its part at the local level, as reflected by Zhu Zhifan’s and Sheng Shitai’s attitudes towards state interference in religion. In some instance, they even seemed eager for the state to play a bigger role in dealing with local religion. In my opinion, this shows that while the native Nanjing elites were striving to foster a local identity independent of the state, they were not really interested in vying for the rights to administer control over religion at their locale. The reason to this as I see it was that these Nanjing natives had built their pride in their locale on the basis that Nanjing had served as a capital for many dynasties including the Ming dynasty. The hallmark of every capital was to have a heavy presence of the state. In my opinion, this was why Gu Qiyuan had defended the Nanjing ministries vigorously as discussed in chapter 2 when others had suggested that the Nanjing ministries was nothing but a white elephant. When we look at the actions and thoughts of these Nanjing natives as a whole, then it is not a surprise to see Sheng Shitai and Zhu Zhifan encouraging the state to player a bigger role in handling religious matters in their locale. In summary, although the Nanjing literati had attempted to inscribe the 71 local into their religious landscape, they had no wish to take over the role of governance from the state. 72 Chapter 5 Conclusion What can we conclude from the discussion on the various genres of works produced by the Nanjing natives in late-Ming Nanjing? In Chapter 2, I had shown how the Nanjing natives actively participated in the writing and re-writing process of their locale’s history. Literati like Zhou Hui who did not have the influence over the compilation of official histories and local gazetteers made use of the biji genre to inscribe the small details of everyday life in Nanjing, bits and pieces of miscellaneous history which he had claimed would not be entered into national history and local gazetteers. I had also shown how the Nanjing literati such as Gu Qiyuan intentionally segregated authors who wrote about Nanjing by their locality in order to promote the Jinling men identity. They made use of their identity to demonstrate intricate knowledge and keen interest in the miscellaneous history of their locale. Their efforts in writing about Nanjing helped them redefined what was considered as Jinling. In Chapter 3, I used the discussion of three separate pictorial guides to illustrate how the Nanjing natives took the state out of the national, and tied their local history to national history. I had argued in this chapter that by breaking the state away from the national, they established their pride in Nanjing on the basis of its past history as capitals of various dynasties. They fervently highlighted the aura of royalty exuded by their locale and attributed it to the natural geographical advantage that Nanjing was blessed with. In doing so, they had isolated the glory and prosperity of Nanjing from the policies of the Ming state. In my discussion of the compilation of Illustrated Odes on Jinling, I had also indicated how the Nanjing natives displayed their affection for the finer details of life in their locale much akin to their contemporaries I had discussed in chapter 2, as well as their efforts in promoting 73 works by fellow Nanjing literati. All this contributed to their promotion of local pride. Their sense of local pride had a strong national flavor due to the fact that Nanjing was still a capital. However, the national was differentiated from the state, and they were keen to isolate local pride from the developments of the Ming dynasty. Even though the Nanjing natives had isolated the state in their promotion of local pride, this was not to say they ignored the state completely. In chapter 4, I had shown how the Nanjing natives attempted to frame the religious arena within a local context on one hand, while accepting and encouraging state interference in local religious affairs on the other. The presence of the state in their local realm remained important for these Nanjing literati as their source of local pride in Nanjing is that it was a capital, and a capital needed to have a functional state presence. Their attitudes towards state interference in local religious matters echoed the sentiments of their contemporaries regarding the functionality of the Nanjing ministries as discussed in chapter 2. So what can the case study on Nanjing tell us about the rise of localism in China, particularly in the Ming dynasty? First of all, it provides evidence for the suggestion of the Song-Yuan-Ming transition that historians have delineated, whereby the Ming was attributed with the revival of a localist trend that begun as Northern Song transit into the Southern Song era. Paul J. Smith argued “that the period from around 1127 to 1500 constitutes an identifiable historical unit and a genuine historical transition” in Chinese history. 95 Peter Bol further elaborated this claim when he stated that the Ming dynasty “appears to be a recovery of the Song and Yuan pattern of development” and that “there was a ‘localist turn’ in the sixteenth century in contrast 95 Paul Jakov Smith pp 2. 74 to the more statist enterprise of the Ming founding.” 96 My study confirms that the forces behind the spread of localism in the southern regions of late-Ming China were so rife that it even took root in a capital. While my study is limited in scope and cannot be used to track localism in Nanjing throughout the entire Song-Yuan-Ming period, the evidences suggest that a localist turn indeed did occur in late-Ming Nanjing and this give weight to the claim of “the sixteenth century as the recovery of long term historical trends” for the southern regions as a whole. 97 Besides adding support for the notion of a Song-Yuan-Ming transition, my study of Nanjing as a case study of localism in the Ming dynasty allows us to examine the shaping of local identity and sources of local pride from another angle. Nanjing’s status was unique and its history of change within the Ming dynasty was unparalleled by other locales in China. An interesting point that arose from an investigation of Nanjing’s was the creation of a local identity based on the historical name of the place. John Dardess argued in his book A Ming Society that people in Taihe county泰和县 that the identity of being a “Taihe man” was a source of pride when the county produced plenty of bureaucratic success, and their pride in the identity of being a “Taihe man” ceased when their production line of office holders dried up. 98 In other words, their source of pride was directly related to the success of fellow county men at the national level. This was in stark contrast to the situation in Nanjing. The different set of dynamics in Nanjing meant that the Nanjing natives had to refer to their locale’s glorious past as a source of pride, at a time when Nanjing was in the awkward position of being the subsidiary capital, having lost the status of Jingshi to Beijing. The Nanjing natives never really abandoned the national in their quest of 96 Bol, “The ‘localist turn’”, p. 3. Ibid. 98 John Dardess, A Ming Society: T’ai-ho County, Kiangsi, Fourteenth to Seventeenth Centuries (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1996), p. 33-44. 97 75 creating a local identity. If we looked at it from another angle, it was as if the national that had abandoned Nanjing, by shifting away its resources and the prestige of being the Jingshi to Beijing. The relationship between the national and local in Nanjing was complex and exclusive. In Men of Letters Within the Passes: Guanzhong Literati in Chinese History, 907-1911, Ong Chang Woei argued that Guanzhong关中 was able to “claim a national past as its own local identity in a way few other places can,” due to the fact that “it was the site of many dynastic capitals and of the tombs of many emperors and great officials.” 99 Nanjing was one of the few places that could claim a national past as its own local identity in the way Guanzhong could. What was different between the two locales was that Guanzhong was claiming a national past at a time when it was no longer the site of capitals, while Nanjing was still a capital despite not being the primary capital. As a result, while Nanjing was reminiscing about its past history of being a national capital, it was also looking forward into the future, trying to establish that the local would continue to be important to the national, and that the local would continue to be the focus of the empire. While the Nanjing natives embraced the national in their source of local pride, they left the contemporary state out of the equation when they strived to form their own local identity. They constructed their Nanjing men identity from the basis of Nanjing’s proud history as capitals for various nations, and the Ming dynasty was only one of them. Their emphasis was on the natural geography of their land rather than the political influences of the Ming state. Yet, they welcomed the presence of the state in Nanjing in the forms of ministries and offices that were indicators of Nanjing’s status as a capital. This was confirmed by the attitudes of these natives towards state interference in local religious affairs as well as their defense of the 99 Ong, Men of Letters, p. 11. 76 Nanjing ministries. In looking at the relationship between the local, the national, and the state in the late-Ming Nanjing natives’ perspectives, I hope to have presented a unique form of localism that followed a greater historical trend as depicted by the notion of the Song-Yuan-Ming transition in the southern regions of China, but wasdistinguished from other locales by the distinct national flavor present in Nanjing’s localism. 77 Bibliography Primary Sources Chen Yi 陳沂. Jinling Gujin Tukao 金陵古今圖考(1516). Nanjing: Nanjing chubanshe, 2007. Ge Yinliang 葛寅亮. Jinling Fancha Zhi 金陵梵刹志(1607). Yangzhou: Jiangsu Guangling Guji Chubanshe, 1996. Gu Qiyuan 顧起元. 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Bol, Peter.K. Local History and Family in Past and Present. Thomas Lee H.C. ed., The New and the Multiple: Sung Senses of the Past (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2004), pp. 307-47. Bol, Peter.K. The ‘Localist Turn’ and ‘Local Identity’ in Later Imperial China. Late Imperial China (24.2): pp1-50. Gerritsen, Anne. Visions of local culture: tales of the strange and temple inscriptions from Song-Yuan Jizhou 吉州. Journal of Chinese Religions, Vol. 28, 2000, pp 69-92. Boulder, Colo. : Society for the Study of Chinese religions. Hartwell, Robert M. “Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations of China, 750-1550.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42:.2 (Dec., 1982), pp.365-442. Szonyi, M. Local Cult, Lijia, and Lineage: religious and social organization in the Fuzhou region in the Ming and Qing. Journal of Chinese Religions, Vol. 28, 2000, pp 93-125. 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I looked at the works of Nanjing elites and identified a similar scenario The Nanjing elites of the late- Ming period, as elsewhere, were definitely highly interested in local history and the creation of local identity But Nanjing in the Ming dynasty was unlike any other place in China during the same period in terms of its status As mentioned earlier, Nanjing went through drastic changes in fortunes... upon themselves as Jinling men and the way they perceived the history of Nanjing Peter Bol said in his article The “Localist Turn” and Local Identity” in Later Imperial China that a “localist turn following an era of statist policies is something of a pattern in Chinese history.” 27 For the case of Nanjing, the presence of the state was always present throughout the Ming Hence Nanjing was unique in. .. Yuezhi 熊月之 and Xiong Bingzhen 熊 秉真 In these studies, Nanjing was treated as part of the region and no special attention was given to the literati of Nanjing In this respect, Ming historians rarely looked at Nanjing as an independent entity In my opinion, this does not do Ming Nanjing justice, as Nanjing in the Ming dynasty was truly a complex place with 7 Fang Jun, Auxiliary Administration: The Southern... From the texts of Gu Qiyuan and Zhou Hui, we can see that the shift of the Jingshi京師from Nanjing to Beijing was in their opinion the primary factor that led to the change in fortunes of Nanjing The undermining of Nanjing by outsiders was a serious concern for them The fact that they found it necessary to defend their homeland in their texts, refuting claims that Nanjing had lost its former glories and. .. claims the same “A localist turn need not be anti-state per se.” 10 Certainly for the case of Nanjing, I argue that although there was a rise of localism in the late- Ming period, the Nanjing elites’ version of localism was one in which the presence of the national featured prominently On one hand, they were striving to forge a local identity that was independent of the state On the other hand, their... Bin and how the officials in Nanjing managed to kept his evil schemes in check What was clear though was that the Nanjing natives could no longer count on the state for their local prosperity, they needed to prove that with or without the state’s patronage the locale would continue to prosper, hence their interest in compiling and writing the history of Jinling Nanjing natives’ passion in writing and. .. “Jinling” instead of Nanjing in his book title, but the term “Touring Stalk” from his title indicated that he was nothing more than a sojourner in Nanjing, and his affiliation with Nanjing was not on the same level as the natives Zhu Chaoying was a poet born in the final years of Ming dynasty and his book was published after the fall of the Ming His usage of the term “Jinling” was more likely to be in line ... life in late- Ming Nanjing, I am more interested in asking how the seemingly fragmented nature of biji could allow the Nanjing natives to inscribe the minute details of their locale into their... documenting the minor details of daily life in the Nanjing They prided themselves on being Jinling men 金陵人 and preferred to use the historical name of Jinling rather than Nanjing when they spoke of themselves... the locale would continue to prosper, hence their interest in compiling and writing the history of Jinling Nanjing natives’ passion in writing and compiling the history of Jinling was evident in