J. Sci. Dev. 2009, 7 (Eng.Iss.1): 112 - 122 HA NOI UNIVERSITY OF AGRICULTURE 112 Land loss for industrial zones and rural employment Mất đất do xây dựng khu công nghiệp và việc làm nông thôn Ngo Trung Thanh Faculty of political and social science TÓM TẮT Sau 15 năm phát triển, Việt Nam đã xây dựng được 49 khu công nghiệp tập trung tại 61 tỉnh, thành phố. Tuy nhiên, tỷ lệ lao động của các hộ mất đất để xây dựng khu công nghiệp có được việc làm từ các khu công nghiệp là thấp. Vậy tại sao lao động của các hộ này thất bại trong quá trình chuyển đổi nghề nghiệp, bao gồm thất bại trong quá trình tìm kiếm việc làm tại các khu công nghiệp và tạo việc làm từ các khoản được đền bù? Bài viết này dựa trên nghiên cứu sự ảnh hưởng của khu công nghiệp tới việc làm nông thôn để làm rõ vấn đề trên. Từ khóa: Khu công nghiệp, mất đất, việc làm. SUMMARY During more than 15 years of development, IZs have appeared in 49 of 61 provinces and cities of Vietnam. However, the proportion of labor in land loss households accessed to employment opportunities in the industrial zone is low. So, why the labor of land loss household failed to get alternative employment, including the employment provided by the enterprise in the IZ and the employment generated by compensation? This article reports on a study of the impact of industrial zones on rural employment to contribute at understanding this. Key words: Employment, industrial zone, land loss. 1. INTRODUCTION To date, industrial zones (IZs) or export processing zones (EPZs) are common all over the world, and applied to attract investments to boost national economy. In fact, these zones provide a huge number of non farm employment (Huang, 2001; ILO, 2002; ILO, 2007; Rondinelli, 1987). The success of IZs in term of employment generation can be explained that their field of production is based on labor intensive industries which find in early stage of industry development in developing countries. The industries attracted to the zones are predominantly food processing, garment and textile, electrical appliance and components, metal product, optical instrument, and toys and crafts manufacturing and assembling activities that depend on cheap labor to perform routine and repetitive tasks (Rondinelli, 1987). Actually, the zones generated employment for women rather than man (Amirahmadi & Wu, 1995; ILO, 2002; ILO, 2007; Kusago & Tzannatos, 1998; Ramanayak, 1982; Reigstad, 2007; Rondinelli, 1987). The employment created by the zones is considered as instability and low wages (ILO, 2002; Jauch, 2002; Kusago & Tzannatos, 1998; Rondinelli, 1987; Sricharatchany, 1983). During more than 15 years of development, IZs have appeared in 49 of 61 provinces and cities of Vietnam (Huy, 2007). One of the aims of IZs is to create employment for people living around, but it seems to be a failure rather than a gain. Dung (2006) found that the IZs provided about 960 thousand employments, but they caused the loss of 680 employment of land loss households (Phong, 2006). Within the land loss households, on average, 1.5 labors per household have lost their work.13 labors per ha have been lost their work in agriculture. During 2000-2004, 50 percent of labors that lost their agriculture work due to land conversion have been fallen into unemployment (Cuong, 2006). Moreover, the proportion of laborers employed from Land loss for industrial zones and rural employment 113 the households that lost agricultural land for building IZs is low, even of retrained labor. The survey of ADB (2005) found that the employment created by IZs for land loss households is eight percent of interviewed households in Long An and Can Tho, and five percent in Vinh Phuc and Ha Tay. It also showed that more than 60 percent of land conversion households can generate more income after land conversion. For the rest, it causes disruption in household economy, particularly if all productive landholdings are lost, residence is disrupted, insufficient notice is given by the local authorities and family members do not have appropriate educational background or vocational skills to shift into new occupations. Furthermore, the scale of state support to land loss households appears to vary between provinces, but is generally low. Access to retraining opportunities was 28 percent of surveyed households in Binh Dinh, two percent in Quang Nam, and four percent in Long An and Can Tho (ADB, 2005). In case of labors in the land loss households paid themselves for extra education or training at vocational schools, many of them could not find a job. In Ha Noi, for each 1,000 land loss people, there are 190 with self payment education or training, and 100 people who could not find job. This number is 300 and 180 in Bac Ninh province; 450 and 350 in Can Tho province (Cuong, 2006). So, why the labor of land loss household failed to get alternative employment, including the employment provided by the enterprise in the IZ and the employment generated by compensation? The overall objective of study is to analyze impact of industrial zones on rural employment. Specific objectives are to analyze the formation of Que Vo IZ and its employment provision for land loss households; analyze employment transition after land loss; and analyze the usage of compensation with the link to generation of alternative employment of land loss households. 2. METHODS The case study was conducted in Bac Ninh which is the smallest province of Vietnam. It has 50.8 percent of agricultural land converted to the building of IZs. Compared to other provinces, this proportion of Bac Ninh ranked second, after Ha Tay (Cuong, 2006). To 2006, four IZs had been established with 1956 ha. As provincial plan, the number of IZs will increase to 8, and area will widen to about 3000 ha in the period of 2010-2015. Within four existing IZs, Que Vo and Tien Son are the largest ones. They all have 300 ha and have already operated. The land for Que Vo IZ was converted from agricultural land of Van Duong, Nam Son and Phuong Lieu commune. Son Trung and Thai Bao village in Nam Son commune was chosen for analyzing because they all relied agriculture before the building of the Que Vo IZ. Currently, Son Trung does not loss agricultural land, meanwhile, Thai Bao has lost ninety percent of agricultural land for the Que Vo IZ. The data collected includes the way Que Vo IZ was formed, the changes of employment before and after the building of Que Vo IZ, the usage of compensation and other assistances, and some reasons of the failure of villagers in getting employed by enterprises in the IZ. The qualitative data was obtained by group discussion interviews and in-depth interviews. The quantitative data was collected by surveying 134 households, of which, 82 households that had their agricultural land loss (in Thai Bao village) and 52 households that remain agricultural land (Son Trung village). These households account for 30 percent of both surveyed villages. It was analyzed by using descriptive statistic such as mean, frequency, crosstab. Comparing these villages before and after land loss has been used as analytical framework. At survey time, land acquisition and compensation delivery have already finished for a year, so it is considered as the time after land loss. 3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 3.1. How Que Vo IZ was formed? - Organizational relations At the end of 1990s and early of 2000s, Bac Ninh’s provincial government planned to convert low productivity of agricultural land to industrial purpose, including Que Vo district. After the plan was approved by Mr. Prime Minister in 2001, the Provincial People’s committee started organizing auction for leasing industrial land. The Kinh Bac, a private infrastructure development investor, won a tender for leasing 300 ha of agricultural land converted to industrial purpose in Que Vo district. However, the formation of Que Vo IZ did not bring advantage for the labor of land loss households in term of getting employed by the enterprises in the IZ. In order to mange all IZs, Bac Ninh’s provincial government set up a IZs Management Ngo Trung Thanh 114 Board. It acts as a provincial administrator. The main functions of IZs Management Board are managing, monitoring enterprise business activities, and reducing administrative procedure for enterprises in order to attract investment to the IZs. Generating employment for IZs has been promoted by the center of IZ service belonging to IZs Management Board. However, the Board does not have the function to enforce the enterprises to giving priority for employment of the laborers who have lost land as compared to other laborers. The owner of Que Vo IZ is Kinh Bac, a private infrastructure development company that builds relevant infrastructure and sub-leases land to enterprises. While leasing land, the enterprises in the IZ have no duty to commit themselves to employing laborers of households who lost land rather than other laborers. The Labor Law says that these enterprises have a right to directly employ their labor. In fact, they did not distinguish between local and ex-local labor, they just employ the laborers who have ability working for them. In addition, in conducting sub-leasing contract with the enterprise, Kinh Bac has no reason to cause difficulty for his customers by adding employment requirements for local labor. At the commune level, although authorities play an important role in land acquiring process, they have less function in term of generating alternative employment for land loss household. According to the Commune People’s Committee, all assistance proposals for employment have to go through district to provincial level with the hope that upper level can find a solution. Actually, there is no reason for commune authorities to send their employment proposals to the enterprises that sub- lease land from Kinh Bac Company. At household level, on one hand, the land loss households had to delivery their land to the Kinh Bac according to decision of provincial government. On the other, these households relate to the enterprises that sub-leased land from Kinh Bac through labor market in term of employment (Annex 1). So, these connections might cause disadvantage to the land loss households in getting employed by enterprises in the IZ. 3.2. Employment provision During 2005 - 2007, the number of employment provided by the Que Vo IZ is increasingly, from 590 in 2005 to more than 9000 in 2007, including about 3300 local labors. Compared to other zones in Bac Ninh, Que Vo created the highest employment in term of volume (Table 1). However, Que Vo IZ contribute to employment provision of around areas, including land loss households. This section will address this issue. Table 1. Employment provision of the IZs in Bac Ninh during 2005-2007 Unit: Labor 2005 2006 2007 1 Industrial zones Total Local Total Local Total Local Tien Son 5,284 2,579 5,682 3,071 6,481 3,208 Que Vo 590 441 4,118 1,087 9,217 3,310 Dai Dong - Hoan Son 450 315 995 432 642 297 Tan Hong - Hoan Son 1,008 428 Yen Phong 30 25 Total 6,324 3,335 10,795 4,590 17,378 7,268 Source: IZ employment report, Department of Labor, Bac Ninh IZ Management Board 1 September 2007 Land loss for industrial zones and rural employment 115 Table 2. Direct employment in Thai Bao and Son Trung village Unit: Person Son Trung Thai Bao Total Total village statistic labors 165 231 396 - Of which IZ worker 33 59 92 + Male 8 22 30 + Female 25 37 62 Source: village statistic, 2007 Table 3. Business households in Thai Bao before and after land acquisition Type of business Unit Before land recovery (2003) After land recovery (2007) Grocery Household 5-6 20 Room for rent Household 0 20 Hairdresser Household 1 5 Motor service Household 0 7 Source: Data from fieldwork The data collected in Son Trung and Thai Bao village also shows that few villagers got employed by enterprises at Que Vo IZ. About 20 percent of labor in Son Trung and 40 percent in Thai Bao found employment in the zone. Among these labor, women count for a larger part. For example, 25 of 33 labor in Son Trung and 37 of 59 labor who work at enterprises in the IZ are women (see table 2). This result agrees with a argument of Rondinelli (1987), Amirahmadi & Wu (1995), Kusago & Tzannatos (1998), ILO (2002) and Reigstad (Reigstad, 2007) that the IZs provide direct non farm employment for women rather than man. The explanation made by Amirahmadi & Wu (1995) is that the industries in most zones are electronics and textile and clothing manufacturing that require unskilled or semi-skilled production workers which is dominated by women. Besides providing direct employment as worker at factories, Que Vo IZ also generated business activities for villagers. These activities include buying and selling of grocery, providing rooms for rent, and serving meals for workers renting their rooms (see table 3). Such businesses attract villagers who are over 30 years old. However, these activities are more common in Thai Bao which is closer to Que Vo IZ than Son Trung. However, in Thai Bao business activities have just been developed by households along with the district road that crosses the village. Others, far away from that road, have not been seen such change (see box 2). Of the households far from the road has been observed as running small shops in front of the IZ gate. They sell soft drink, tobacco, biscuits, etc to workers. For people over 30 years old who can not run a business, the IZ could provide them hired work for construction. At the initial stage of constructing Que Vo IZ, such work was more common. But, how long does it last or what happen to those labors after construction of the IZ complete? Luckier villagers could find employment as security guard, Ngo Trung Thanh 116 cooker or office servant in the IZ, but this is also few Box 1. Working as hired labor but it reduces every year She is 35 years old and her husband is 38. Their eldest son has just finished high school last year, the other son still goes to school. Like other villagers, prior to losing land they had 1800 m 2 , and just worked on farm only. Currently they retain more than 200 m2 of agricultural land. It just provides food for their family for 3 months, so they can not rear pigs. As Mrs. Ng calculated, buying feed for rearing pigs is rather expensive, and they do not gain profit. Mrs. Ng also said that they had no choice for generating household’s income, except working as hired labor for construction work in Que Vo IZ. In 2002-2004 they could work whole year in the IZ, but in 2005 they just worked for 8 months, and 6 month in 2006 on average. If the work was more as it was in 2002-2004, most of their wage could be saved for their children, earnings from collects waste material of construction could be spend on daily expenditure. Mrs. Ng, Thai Bao village Interview in 10 August 2007 Source: Data collection from fieldwork Why villagers failed to get employed by the enterprises in Que Vo IZ? Besides formation of Que Vo IZ did not help labors of land loss households get employment. Group discussions in Thai Bao also show that villagers failed to get employed by the enterprises in Que Vo IZ due to requirement of employers, “black transaction”, low wage and instable employment, and hiring strategy of the enterprises. Requirement of employers As employment recruitment noted in front of factories gates or in the local newspaper, the factories always require labor in the age of 18 -25, so the others, including the labor in the land loss households who is over that age are excluded. Copping with these requirements, some villagers who is over 18-25 had tried to get fake ID card or graduate certification to meet the employers’ requirements. Additionally, gender requirement also caused disparity in getting employment in the IZ. Some enterprises had just required women only. This means that male labor of land loss households could not access to employment opportunities in the IZ as well. Reported by the Department of labor management in the IZs Management Board show that 66.9 percent of labor in Que Vo IZ is women. Particularly, this ratio is high, 93.9 percent in the Canon factory, the largest one in terms of employment in Que Vo IZ. It provides more than 40 percent employment in the IZ. “Black transaction” In order to get a job as worker at factories in IZ, most villagers (70-80 percent of employees, as estimated by villagers) have to pay a “black fee” to brokers. Most of the brokers are Vietnamese working at factories in IZ, including gate man/security guards. The fee ranges from 2 million to 3 million, up to 12-13 million. Actually, brokers fight each other; each of them has their own “chain”. Labors over the age of 25 can be employed by going through brokers. In fact, if directors of factories know their staffs involves in broking, both the staff (brokers) and worker who has been employed by brokers will be sacked. In cases when employers come to the village to employ labor, corruption might occur. Some of Land loss for industrial zones and rural employment 117 the villagers were denied to be recruited; even they were on the age that meets enterprises’ requirements. Villagers had tried to illustrate by showing their age by showing their ID card, but it was not accepted. Some villagers over 18 - 25 year olds tried to ask the village head to propose employers extending their requirements on the range age, however, he did not agree. Box 2. The discouragement of getting employed by the factory Through an interview, she was employed by the boss of the factory (foreigners) and has worked for factory for two months (probation period). But then, personal department of the factory set appointment with her so many times that she was discouraged (she assumed that staff in that department wanted her bribe?). Her sister got credit to pay for employment in IZ, but she was sacked after two months, and now she has no ability to repay. Mrs. A, Thai Bao village Interview on June 27th 2007 Source: Data collection from fieldwork Low wage and Instable employment As perceived by land loss villagers, working at factories in Que Vo IZ is instable. The group discussion in Thai Bao shows that some villagers might accept to pay a high “black fee” for brokers, even getting credit with interest for that fee, but the instability of a job in IZ blocks their payment. On the villager’s side, instability is considered as a short labor contract. Usually, the contract lasts for 1 - 2 years only, so villagers worry about their employment afterward; another is lack of transparency in terms of shacking. In Thai Bao, many laborers have been sacked after 2 months of working at the factory without clear explanations; female labors might be sacked because they get pregnant after their wedding. On the side of IZs Management Board, instability is caused by seasonal production of factories, depending on their orders. Hiring strategy Some of the enterprises usually hire labor during a probation/trial period (two to three months) only, because the employers just have to pay two thirds of employee’s wage (usually it is quite low), and they do not have to pay worker’s health insurance. After the probation period, workers have been sacked without clear explanations, and then employers recruit other new labor for next three months. According to a university educated employee in Que Vo IZ, a high school labor needs only 6-7 days to become familiar with the work at Longtech factory, so three months is a too long period of probation. This was also found in Bangladesh when some enterprises were known to use the apprentice/training salary as a means of exploiting workers who were paid the training salary for six months even though they can learn the job in two or three months (Dowla, 1997). Employment transformation Before the building of the IZ, farm employment was dominated in both Thai Bao and SonTrung village (see figure 1 and 2). After that, the consequences are quite different in those villages. Through surveying 231 labors in 82 households in Thai Bao, including 144 farm labors and 45 labors just finishing high school shows that farm employment has reduced after the building of IZ. In 144 farm labors, 73 keep working on farm, 18 moves to work as factories worker, 33 as hired labor for construction work in Que Vo IZ, and 15 of them run their own business of buying and selling in the village. Half of labors keep working on farm because small agricultural land is still available after land acquisition; even it is much smaller than before. Within 82 households surveyed, the average agricultural land remained is about 720 square meters compared to 3094 square meters before land acquisition (see annex 2 and 3). Besides, some of households try to generate more employment by leasing more paddy land in other villages or communes. Such case was found at households that received small compensation. As observed in Thai Bao, this strategy is usually based on kinship. These labors are in the households that have a daughter in-law or son in-law coming from other villages or communes, and they leased more paddy land from Ngo Trung Thanh 118 their parents, their relatives, and their friends (see box 4). The shift from farm to off farm employment was not seen in Thai Bao village as 90 percent of agricultural land had been converted to build the IZ. Thus, there is no more land for generating off farm activities. There is no evidence that villagers have worked off-farm in other villages or communes. Besides farm employment, the transformation happened strongly in the labors that just finish high school. In 45 labors, 31 got an employment as IZ worker after the building of IZ. These labors has an advantage for the IZ worker compared to others because they meet employer’s requirement in term of age and doing some test during interview this found in Son Trung village as well. In Son Trung, the agricultural land has not been converted to industrial purpose, so the reduction of farm employment is not much. The survey of 108 farm labors in 52 households shows 84 of them keep working on farm, 11 are workers at factories, three work as hire labor for construction work at Que Vo IZ, and two moved to run buying and selling business. It can be explained that as agricultural land is available, villagers can grow vegetables as cash crop. They perceived that growing vegetable is easier than working as hired labor for construction work in IZ. For them, hired labor is considered as seasonality only. However, three villagers prefer to work as hired labor in IZ rather than as off farm employment in the planting and harvesting season because of higher wages. At the previous crop, the labor price (one labor per day) was 30 thousand VND for planting or harvesting, meanwhile, it was 40 thousand VND for construction work. Fig.1. Employment in Thai Bao before and after land loss Source: Data from fieldwork on October, 2007 – Thai Bao village School Farm Driver Knitting Door guard Job seeking Tailor Buying and selling Hired labor IZ worker State officer Former soldier Carpentry 0.0 10.0 20.0 30.0 40.0 50.0 60.0 70.0 Percentage Before After Land loss for industrial zones and rural employment 119 School Hired labor IZ worker Farm Driver State officer Tailor Grinding Not working Buying and selling Door guard Former soldier Accountant 0.0 10.0 20.0 30.0 40.0 50.0 60.0 70.0 Pecentage Before After Fig. 2. Employment in Son Trung before and after building Que Vo IZ Source: Data from fieldwork on October, 2007 – Son Trung village Box 3. Alternative employment strategy Mrs. N is 38 years old and her husband is 39. The have 6 children, and currently the household has 3 main labors only. Before land loss, their livelihood depended on farm only. They had 2160 m 2 of agricultural land and 1908m 2 of it had been converted to industrial purpose with 53 millions VND of compensation. Mr. N spent 18 of 53 millions VND on residential land. Most of the rest of the compensation has been sent to the bank for their children education. Because they did not know how to run a business like some other villagers, they decided to keep working in agriculture, so they leased more agricultural land (1440m 2 ) in a neighbour commune through introduction of the husband’s friend. For that land they pay in kind at 50kg of rice per 360m 2 . Due to IZ construction, the irrigation system was broken and working on the field away made household’s labor work harder; three of six children also participated on that work in planting, weeding and harvest season even though they are school age. They also bought a cow for tilling, and the children looked after it. They hope that a calf will be born, and then it can generate more income for the household. Mrs. N, now, mainly takes care for rice field and husbandry, her husband tries to work as hired labor in IZ. When IZ started its construction, her husband could work 10 to 12 month per year in IZ, however, since last year (2006) he had worked 6 month in IZ only. In July of 2007, her husband and some of other villagers went to a neighbour province to work. Mrs. N also said that the age of her husband is over the factory’s requirement for workers Mrs. N, Thai Bao village Interview in 26 October 2007 The building of Que Vo IZ did not effect on the employments of those already work on non- farm sector. As shown in the figure 1, employment in knitting and carpentry are unchanged before and after Que Vo IZ was built. In addition, doing carpentry can gain more in compared to before building the IZ due to the increased demand of rooms for rent. Does compensation help villagers generate alternative non farm employment? Normally, compensation went to land loss households in three types. The first is by cash for Ngo Trung Thanh 120 land loss and vocational support. The second, land loss households have a right to buy a piece of residential land, and send their labor to one week vocational training course on embroidery supported by provincial government organizing at commune office. The group discussions and a survey of land loss households in Thai Bao village show that most compensation by cash has been used for building new houses and buying a piece of residential land (see figure 2). As explained by villagers, building a new house has been prioritized, because if they did not, they might have had no more chance in their life. Concerning this point, Nang (2006), in her case study in Tho Da village, has concluded that it brought economic effectiveness in terms of opportunity cost (due to increasing price construction material) as well as physical asset. However, in terms of employment generation, such physical assets might not be useful for farmers who have had about 90 percent of their agricultural land claimed. In Thai Bao, for households that had registered buying residential land, the payment had been settled by local authority right after villagers receiving compensation. On the other hand, building a new house costs almost all of their compensation. So, the compensation that was used for regenerating alternative employment was not much. Moreover, many villagers hoped that residential land would be sold at a high price afterward. This assumption led villager to borrow more money from relatives or even from the bank, with interest, to build a house. In fact, many households are in dept due to not selling residential land yet. For the last support, it seems not to be helpful because of the market of embroidery product. Villagers do not know where to sell their product. According to observation in the village, there is no household working on embroidery. Fig. 3. Compensation use in Thai Bao village Source: Household survey 4. CONCLUSION In general, Que Vo IZ provides non farm employment and it has increased annually since 2005, and like IZs in other regions, women have benefit more than man in term of employment generation. However, the land loss households failed to get employed by the enterprises in the IZ due to weak connections among local government, enterprises in the IZ and land loss households in term of employment generation, requirement of employers, ‘black transaction”, low wage and instability of employment, and the hiring strategy of enterprises. If we look at the operation mechanism of the IZ the labors in the land loss households can only look for priority of alternative employment in the IZ through local authorities, meanwhile, the enterprises have just related to local authorities Vocational train Buying life insurance Working aboard Saving in bank Leasing more rice land Running a shop Build room for rent Settle a dept Sharing with children Home consumption Build a new house Buying residential land 0.00 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00 50.00 60.00 70.00 80.00 90.00 Percentage Land loss for industrial zones and rural employment 121 administratively. In fact, young labors themselves have competed with labors from other areas to be an IZ worker, and the others also themselves have generated alternative by using compensation and support. However, the compensation and other assistance have not been used effectively in term of generating alternative employment, and it makes villagers’ living in difficulty. Actually, providing residential land as a support for alternative employment needs to be considered if the “red book” is not available yet. Moreover, at the early of the IZ operation there was not transparency in term of recruitment information causing “black transaction” which prevented some land loss households accessing to employment opportunities. It might be a difference for labor from other areas, but, from land loss household’s perception they do not accept it because their main mean of production has provided to the zone. Although, few cases can accept “black transaction”, some enterprises have uses a hiring strategy that make villagers feel instable while working in the IZ. They had sacked off worker without clear explanation The study found the evidences that employment has shifted from farm to non farm employment due to most agricultural land in Thai Bao has been converted to the building of Que Vo IZ. However, half of farm labor in Thai Bao and more a half of farm labor in Son Trung keep working on farm shows that agriculture works still play an important role on transition period of industrialization process. It agrees with Scott (1976) that farmers always set food security as their first priority. All above issues are short term effects of the building of the IZ. In the long term, the non farm employment created by construction work in the IZ might not be sustainable. What will happen to these laborers when the IZ complete? Does it increase the pressure on out migration to cities? [...]... Reigstad, E (2007) Special Economic Zones: Policy Review and Implications for India NORGES HANDELSHØYSKOLE Rondinelli, D.A (1987) Export Processing Zones and Economic Development in Asia: A Review and Reassessment of a Means of Promoting Growth and Jobs American Journal of Economics and Sociology 46, 89-105 Scott, J (1976) The Moral Economy of Peasant Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia Yale... Sricharatchany, P (1983) A Peek into the Grey Zone Far Eastern Economic Review 120, 61 Land loss for industrial zones and rural employment Annex 1 Linkages among stakeholders in Que Vo IZ PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT Administration management Compulsory Compensation Administration Kinh Bac infrastructure development company IZ Management Board Management Land loss household Land delivery Land lease Administration...Ngo Trung Thanh REFERENCES ADB (2005) Industrial land, commercial land, markets, and their impacts on the poor Amirahmadi, H & Wu, W (1995) Export Processing Zones in Asia Asian Survey 35, 828849 Cuong, H.V (2007) Employment for the households whose agricultural land have recovered for the development of industrial zones http://www.khucongnghiep.com.vn/news_detail asp?ID=163&CID=163&IDN=1070&lang=vn... sf/0/d272d73aff15c730852567d100713bed/$FIL E/9802.pdf (accessed 18 January 2008) Nang, D.T (2006) Loss of Land and Farmer's Livelihood, case study in Tho Da viilage, Kim No commune, Dong Anh district, Ha Noi Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences Upsala Phong, L.D (2007) Livelihood and employment of households whose agricultural land recovered for building Industrial Zones http://www.khucongnghiep.com.vn/news_detail asp?ID=163&CID=163&IDN=994... management Market Enterprises in Que Vo IZ Annex 2 Remain area of agricultural land in Thai Bao Histogram 20 Frequency 15 10 5 Mean = 727.04 Std Dev = 475.79 N = 82 0 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 Remain area Source: Household survey Annex 3 Agricultural land before and after land acquisition in Thai Bao Unit: m2 N Minimum Maximum Mean Std Deviation Total area 82 720 5760 3094.91 1098.412 Remain area 82 0 2160... 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GB.285/ESP/5 122 ILO (2007) ILO database on export processing zones Sectoral activities programme WP 251 Jauch, H (2002) Export processing zones and the quest for sustainable development: a Southern African perspective Environment & Urbanization 14, 101-113 Kusago, T & Tzannatos, Z (2008) Export Processing Zones: A Review in Need of Update http://wbln0018.worldbank.org/HDNet/hddocs.n sf/0/d272d73aff15c730852567d100713bed/$FIL . study of the impact of industrial zones on rural employment to contribute at understanding this. Key words: Employment, industrial zone, land loss. 1. INTRODUCTION To date, industrial zones. objective of study is to analyze impact of industrial zones on rural employment. Specific objectives are to analyze the formation of Que Vo IZ and its employment provision for land loss households;. infrastructure and sub-leases land to enterprises. While leasing land, the enterprises in the IZ have no duty to commit themselves to employing laborers of households who lost land rather than