David Denison (582) a. Her Husband said, he was sorry too — for that he thought you were a good kind of young man. (1813 H. Cowley, The Town Before You, in Works (1813), IILiv 11.377 [WWP]) b. and every one went to bed, and, for crying is very tiring, to sleep. (1910 Nesbit, Magic City (Macmillan) viii.218) c. Your mother told us of the name chosen - & I was infinitely relieved for I had heard a rumour about Galahad [original emphasis] (1872 Amberley Papers 11.527 (29 Aug.)) Rissanen shows how becausewas already beginning to catch up with form frequency during the seventeenth century, and in our period it has taken the lead; because in the first edition of 1795 was actually replaced by the for that of (582a)! (The form because that has only been archaic or dialectal in IModE; it was already uncommon after the fifteenth century.) Other con- junctions in causal clauses which have gained in importance include since and as (rare in this function in eModE), although these uses elate back to the ME period. One^ that has been lost, in standard at least, is being (as/that), whose last citation in the OED is already evidentiy old-fash- ioned: (583) With whom he himself had no delight in associating, 'being that he was addicted unto profane and scurrilous jests.' (1815 Scott, GrfyManneringix [OED\) Change here seems to be largely lexical, namely in the meaning (and fre- quency) of conjunctions. Rissanen discusses the grammaticalisation of various verbal -ing forms as conjunctions {concerning, according, etc.); one that is closely parallel in every way to being (as/that) is seeing (as/that), which remains in informal usage. Nonfinite clauses are discussed-further in section 3.6.6.6 below. 3.6.6.3 Conditional and concessive clauses To quote Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech & Svartvik conditional clauses 'convey that the situation in the matrix clause is contingent on that in the subordi- nate clause', while the main role of concessive clauses 'is to imply that the situation in the matrix clause is unexpected in the light of that in the con- cessive clause' (1985: 15.32). (The matrix clause is the next higher clause minus the subordinate clause in question; see Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech & Svartvik 1985:14.4.) Here are some examples with a subjunctive in the subordinate clause: 296 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Syntax (584) a. no matter how empty the adytum ['inner sanctum'], so that ['so long as, if only*] the veil be thick enough. (1859 George Eliot, Lifted J/*//(Virago, 1985) ii.43) b. But if Georgina do indeed release him - if she has already done so - what will he think? (1840 Bulwer-Lytton, Money V.ii, in 19c Plays, ed. Rowell p. 111; omitted in Booth) c. Is it a counter protest? Tell me very frankly if it is — if it is likely even to be taken so. If it be I will have nothing to do with it, much as I love and reverence the man. (1861 Green, Utters 80 (May)) d. if there be any truth in our veriest instincts God must ever be beyond us, beyond our power, our knowledge, our virtue Yes, the Church, like its Head, groweth daily 'in wisdom and stature, and in favour with God and Man.' And what if this progress which we see in the Future be visible in the Past? If Man seem but an outcome of the advance of the animal world, 'a monkey with something non-monkey about him,' what if Science confirms the Aposde's grand hint of the unity of the world about us with our spiritual selves, 'the whole creation groaneth and travaileth in bondage,' etc. If there are hints of a purpose to be wrought out in them as it has been wrought out in us? (1863 Green, Utters 119 (24 Mar.)) The alternatives to the subjunctive are as for nominal clauses (3.6.3.3 above), including the present indicative: (585) and poor old women shivering to the Union won't be particular if they have a covering of many colours, so that it is warm. ([undated] Gaskell, Letters 609 p. 794 (4 Dec.)) Notice how Green uses two indicative protases in each of (584c, d) quite close to the subjunctive ones, despite the highly sermonistic style of (584d). With certain subjunctive examples, may/might rivals should as the possible modal alternative: (586) a. And I judge that this must ever be a condition of human progress, except some religion appear which can move forward with the progress of man. (1863 Green, Utters 118 (24 Mar.)) b. Reason never comes too late, though it be midnight when she knocks at the door. (1799 Dunlap, False Shame II p. 20 [ARCHER]) 297 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 David Denison c. There is nonetheless considerable argument against the clause, softened though it be, on the grounds that Federal aid is so necessary to the public schools. (1961 Brown Corpus, Learned J48:83) Nowhere is the present subjunctive obligatory. In the protasis of an unreal conditional the past subjunctive is optional after if, (587—8), with the indicative increasingly often used in stan- dard: (587) ^Everest was only 300 metres higher, it would be physically impossible to reach the summit without botded oxygen. (1993 Ed Douglas, New Scientist1875: 23 (29 May)) (588) Obviously, it is not easy to be a great poet. If it were, many more people would have done so. (1913 Ezra Pound, Egoist, in Literary Essays, ed. Eliot (Faber, 1985) 48) The past subjunctive is virtually obligatory in the, generally more formal, inverted protasis: (589) Ah! were she a litde less giddy than she is (1843-4 Dickens, Cbu^lewit, ed. Cardwell (Clarendon, 1982) xviii.305 [Visser]) Only a few verbs, all past tense in form, can invert to form conditional protases without if, namely were, had, did, and past tense modals. We should note, however, that was was occasionally found instead of were (590) The manor of Selborne, was it stricdy looked after would swarm with game. (1787 G. White, Selborne v. (1789) 11 [Visser, OED\) Visser reproduces the OEUs statement that this 'was common in the 17-18th centuries'. Let us look now at the modals in inverted protases: (591) a. Could/have dated [sc. & letter] from my Palace in Milan you would have heard from me (1819 Keats, Letters 158 p. 431 (3 Oct.)) b. And couldlte&d yours [sc. face], I'm sure I should see (1863 Hazlewood, Lady Audits Secretl.i p. 241) c. Shouldyou by any chance see Smith or Davies while calling here please be diplomatic. (1890 Dowson, Letters 110 p. 159 (Plate Jul.)) 298 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Syntax For would, Visser states that inversion is 'rather archaic', for could 'at present restricted to literary style', for might 'poetical' (1963-73: sections 1615, 1642,1671). Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech & Svartvik suggest that might and could 'require an adverb such as but or just before the lexical verb' in PDE (1985:15.36). Only should is at all common nowadays among the modals in this pattern. As for inverted protases with did as finite verb, Visser lists a number of examples in his (1963—73: sections 819b, 1437), describing them as 'a typical favourite with writers of "literary" English' (and Dickens in (592a) is clearly playing on this): (592) a. Did an elderly gentleman essay to stop the progress of the ball, it rolled between his legs, or slipped between his fingers. Did a slim gentleman try to catch it, it struck him on the nose (1836-7 Dickens, Pickwick vii.102 [Visser]) b. My dear friend, didT wantyour aid I would accept it (1840 Bulwer-Lytton, Money Viii, in 19c Plays, ed. Rowell p. 112; omitted in Booth) c. As he lay there he thought of what he would do did Markovitch really £0 off his head. (1919 Sir Hugh S. Walpole, Secret City (Macmillan, 1934) III.404 [Visser]) d. 'I wish I had said that,' we might be tempted to say admiringly, did we not of course remember that this was how one legendary wit left himself open to perhaps the most famously crushing retort of all: 'You will, Oscar, you will.' (1993 'Centipede', The Guardian 2 p. 11 (12 Aug.)) The fact that had and did pattern with subjunctive were (and modals) in inverted protases, and also, as we have seen in section 3.3.4.2, in apodoses, might justify calling them past subjunctive in such instances, although it can also be referred merely to the normal properties of operators. There is, however, no need for us to get involved in argument as to whether, say, took in (593) is indicative, because formally indistinguishable from indicative took, or subjunctive, on analogy with were in (588): (593) If Jim took more care than he does For discussion see Visser (1963-73: section 834). Some idea of frequency of inverted protases is given by table 3.11, based on the more informal genres of ARCHER (British texts only). Inversion shows a general decline over time. 84 After 1850 the total number 299 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 David Denison Table 3.11. Invertedprotases and if-clauses in ARCHER Had (perfect auxiliary only) Were Should Could Inverted If Inverted If Inverted If Inverted If 1650-99 28 (57%) 21 11 (41%) 16 10 (38%) 16 1 (25%) 3 1700-49 21 (51%) 20 17 (57%) 13 6 (25%) 16 4 (17%) 19 1750-99 13 (41%) 19 12 (43%) 16 2 (10%) 19 2 (13%) 13 1800-49 9 (38%) 15 7 (30%) 16 13 (46%) 15 6 (26%) 17 1850-99 11 (30%) 26 0 (0%) 20 3 (60%) 2 0 (0%) 8 1900-49 2 (17%) 10 0 (0%) 9 2 (67%) .1 0 (0%) 12 1950- 2 (7%) 28 1 (5%) 19 0 (0%) 3 0 (0%) 15 of occurrences of shouldis low and the percentages therefore of litde value. The forms did (2 inverted examples altogether), would (3), might (1), must (0) were not worth tabulating, while for practical reasons was was not counted at all. In my letters corpus the overall figures are 6 inverted protases (5 per cent) to 108 ^clauses. Inversion nearly always involves unreal conditionals; (592a) is a rare exception. It was formerly possible for the two clauses of an unreal conditional to have verbal groups of parallel structure: (594) a. But were your eyes the only things that were inquisitive? Had I been in your place, my tongue, I fancy, had been curious too. (1777 (1781) Sheridan, Scarborough Il.i 583.16) b. Ah! Miss Vesey, if that poor woman had not closed the eyes of my lost mother, Alfred Evelyn had not been this beggar to your father. (1840 Bulwer-Lytton, Money I.i, in 19cplays, ed. Rowell p. 54; Booth p. 167 prints would not have been) As unreal conditional apodoses have moved towards an obligatory modal verb, it seems at least possible that the protases will restore the parallelism by following suit. Certainly, non-standard examples like the following are not uncommon, especially where there is some trace of a volitional meaning in would, (595a), or a non-English substratum, though Fillmore (1990: 153) regards it as common in current American usage: (595) a. I think if he would have let me just look at things quiedy it would have been all right (1877 Sewell, Black Beauty xxix.123) b. If I would have known that, I would have acted differendy. See further section 3.3.2.5 above. 300 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Syntax The protasis of a conditional, then, may be marked by a subordinating conjunction, most commonly if or by subject-auxiliary inversion, and perhaps also by the use of a subjunctive verb. It is noteworthy that the imperative may also be used in certain circumstances: (596) a. 'Stir a whisker, Lungri, and I ram the Red Flower [sc. fire] down thy gullet!' (1894 Kipling, Jungle book, 'Mowgli's Brothers' (Macmillan, 1895) 28) b. Try to be nice and people walk all over you. This pattern is semantically similar to a conditional (If you stir a whisker ). The imperative is morphologically the base form of the verb and identical to the present subjunctive. In some examples the imperative clause does retain some directive force as well as approximating to a conditional pro- tasis: (597) Give me some money and I'll help you escape. The conjunction or is similarly used to imply a negative condition, as in (630c ) or: (598) Give me some money or I'll shoot. See Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech & Svartvik (1985:13.25,13.30). A new kind of conditional structure has no formal marking of the pro- tasis at all: the structure is in form merely a co-ordination of main clauses corresponding to protasis and apodosis, with normal tensed verbs in both: (599) a. You dare smack me in the face again, my girl, and I'll lay you out flat (1932 Shaw, Too True to be Good II p. 1145) b. He catches that pass and the game is tied. (c. 1990 att. Langacker) (600) a. 'You re a man, you want to do a thing, you do it ' [spoken to a woman] (1921 Lawrence, Women iv.41) b. You keep smoking those cigarettes, you're gonna start coughing again. (PDE [Hopper & Traugott]) c. ' Next, it's like, "save Bangladesh". You take that burden on, you'll lose your mind.' (1994 Ice-T [Tracey Marrow], The Guardian Weekend^. 7 (13 Aug.)) In fact, Langacker actually offers (599b) as a counterfactual example - the pas s has already been dropped - in the speech of American sports announcers (1991: 268). It is not clear whether the (characteristically 301 David Denison American?) (600) type is a normal conditional with ellipsis of if (thus Lawler, LINGUIST 4-121, citing Thrasher 1974), or an asyndetic co- ordination - one without any conjunction - that is otherwise like (599). As for (599a), which seems to be the oldest, the mixed use of DARE is inter- esting, as that partially modal form is normal in nonassertive contexts, including conventional j^protases, but rare in a positive declarative, so it is not quite a 'normal' tensed verb. 85 The similarity to an j^protasis is conso- nant with a historical derivation of the (600) type by clipping of initial if but it could merely be that the verbal syntax is determined by the seman- tics of conditionals. A curiosity of these developments is that and can now introduce the clause corresponding to the apodosis of the conditional, whereas in earlier English an(d) could be used as the subordinating con- junction which introduced the protasis; see CHEL III, forthcoming. The range of conjunctions has shown some alteration. The group in case (that) noted in CHEL III (forthcoming) no longer occurs with that (cf. 3.6.6 above); in formal AmerE usage - common in linguistics - it retains the meaning 'in the event that, on condition that': (601) a. no cellar — except a small hole, dug in the ground, called a cyclone cellar, where the family could go in case one of those great whirlwinds arose, mighty enough to crush any building in its path. (1911 Baum, Wizard of O^i.9) b. the old wooden bed up there was unsafe: it was wobbly and the heavy headboard would crash down on father's head in case the bed fell, and kill him. (1933 Thurber, The Night the Bed Fell, in Vintage Thurber (Hamish Hamilton, 1963) 11.161) However, this meaning is no longer available in normal BrE usage; the OED marks it as obsolete (s.v. case n. 1 10a). In BrE the subordinate clause of: (602) I'll take an umbrella in case it rains. could only mean 'in provision against the case that it might rain' (thus OED 10c), not 'on condition that it does rain'; see also Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech & Svartvik (1985: 15.35n.[g], 15.46). In this meaning in case-has virtually replaced lest in clauses which combine reason with contingency. Somewhat similar, though perhaps involving reason and time, is against in: (603) a. a voluntary partner secured against the dancing began (1816 Austen, Mansfield Park II.x[xxviii].274 [Phillipps]) 302 Syntax b. You [original emphasis] had better be getting a new gown or two I think, but not a third carmelite against this gets dirty. (1852 Gaskell, Letters 134a p. 853 (1 Oct.)) Another usage of related meaning,^ 'as a precaution against, for fear of + -ing, is recorded in isolated examples c. 1800, though otherwise only up to the early eighteenth century (OED s.v., prep. A.23d; Visser 1963-73: section 1064). An earlier use of so in the sense 'provided that' is illustrated by: (604) Love him! Why do you think I love him, Nurse? I'cod, I would not care if he was hang'd, so I were but once married to him. (1777 (1781) Sheridan, Scarborough IV.i 602.20) The OED has examples until the mid-nineteenth century (s.v. so adv. and conj. B.26a). So as was also used (Phillipps 1970:197): (605) I take any part you choose to give me, so as it be comic. (1816 Austen, Mansfield Park I.xiv.131 [Phillipps]) The OEUs last citation is from 1853 Dickens, but this usage, like the pre- vious one, is not marked as obsolete (B.30). The following conditional-concessive use of though is archaic: (606) And he had plenty of unsettled subjects to meditate upon, though he had been walking to the Land's End. (= And he had - and would have had — plenty even if he had been walking ') (1855-7 Dickens, Little Dorrit I.xvi.l$3) Even if would be a more likely conjunction in PDE; furthermore the con- ditional aspect of the meaning would nowadays be signalled by would have Ved in the apodosis. Exceptwas formerly used as a conjunction in the sense 'unless': (607) The heat which all bodies radiate into space can have no influence in moving them, except there be something in the nature of a recoil [original emphasis] in the act of emitting radiation. And even should there be such a recoil (1875 (1876) William Crookes, 'On repulsion ', Philos. Trans. 165 p. 523 [ARCHER]) Phillipps cites a similar use from Jane Austen and contrasts it with nonoc- currence as a conjunction in PDE (1970:197). The OED notes another con- junction use too, in clauses of exception (where it is a synonym of 'only'), 3°3 David Denison but states that since the seventeenth century this usage has only occurred in the full form except that (s.v. exceptconj. C.l). However, Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech & Svartvik cite both uses for PDE, the former labelled as 'informal AmE' (1985:15.34 n.[b], 15.44), and the latter is common enough: (608) 'I know it's none of my business, Dot, except I rather like him.' (1951 Mztquznd, fust a Little Dutch Girlxxi32l [ARCHER]) The disagreements suggest at least some changes in acceptability and stylistic level. As for conjunction without 'unless' followed by a finite clause, the OED traces its decline from literary through colloquial to illiterate reg- ister (s.v., C.2): (609) 'He means,' said Jimmy, 'that we can't take you into an exploring party without we know what you want to go for.' (1907 Nesbit, Enchanted Castle xi.232) 3.6.6.4 Temporal clauses There is relatively little to report on temporal clauses in IModE. Even in eModE '[t]he mood of the temporal clauses is mosdy indicative; subjunc- tive forms appear when uncertainty, non-factuality or prospect are indi- cated' {CHEL III, forthcoming). If this was often the case in eModE in clauses referring to future time, introduced by till, before, etc., it becomes increasingly rare through the IModE period: (610) The Rustic sits waiting //// the river run dry (1837 Carlyle, French Revolution, II, Constitution (Chapman & Hall), IV.i.185 [Visser]) One conjunction lost to any but poetic use is ere 'before'. 3.6.6.5 Clauses of comparison In clauses of comparison the structure so as, always less common that as as, is now only archaic or dialectal in affirmative clauses {OED s.v. so adv. and conj. B.21b), and uncommon even in negative clauses: (611) a. a young lady so well brought up as Miss Grandy (1860-1 Trollope, Framley xxix.283) b. they were none of them nearly so large and brave as you. (1911 Baum, Wizard of O^xxi.159) (612) a. These Philadelphians seem to me as well calculated to excel in commerce as to triumph in war. (1787 Miitkoz, Algerian Spy, Letter xii p. 2 [ARCHER]) 3°4 Syntax b. 'In the first place they're not nearly as pointed as they once were . . .' (1960 Coward, Pomp & Circumstance p. 125 [ARCHER]) The but what variant appeared in clauses of comparison after a negative, just as in relative clauses (3.6.5.2 above): (613) Bradford is not so far away but what she might, [sc. come to Manchester] (1850 Gaskell, Letters 72 p. 118 (14 May)) This is no longer standard. In clauses of similarity, like is increasingly often found as a conjunction instead of as. It is conceivable that (614a) is meant to signal moral hypocrisy through 'substandard' (i.e. non-standard) grammar, while (614b) is intended to be unliterary and somewhat childlike: (614) a. but an open-hearted creature like I am, has little talent for concealment. (1863 Hazlewood, Lady Audleys Secret Il.i p. 253) b. 'I'm taking care of it — like you told us to.' (1906 Nesbit, Amulet iv.56) The entry in the OED (s.v. like adv. (conj.) B.6a) makes clear that the usage is an old one which came to be 'generally condemned as vulgar or slovenly', although condemnation is probably less and less general. Other recent uses of like are moving away from the sense of compari- son. One is the 'approximator' usage, discussed in 3.4.4 above. Another introduces (more-or-less) direct speech or thought, where Tm like ( X* (usually present tense of BE) is slightly less explicit than I go 'AT* in the sense 'I say/think roughly "X"': (615) And Vm like, 'Oh.' And I go, 'Is that where the redwoods are?' (c. 1990 att. Blyth, Recktenwald & Wang) BE like is also newer: Blyth, Recktenwald & Wang (1990) cite what they regard as an early report of the usage, dated 1982. For a treatment in terms of grammaticalisation see Romaine & Lange (1991). 3.6.6.6 Nonfinite and verbless adverbial clauses Adverbial clauses without a finite verb can be cross-classified by the form of verb (bare infinitive, /0-infinitive, -ing, past participle, or indeed no verb at all), by whether the subject is expressed, and by whether there is a subordinator. Of twenty permutations, most are possible, many showing little change over our period. Meanings can belong to any of the semantic categories used above for finite adverbial clauses, or to more than one, especially when there is no subordinator. 305 [...]... the first time in print at the end of the nineteenth century' and adduced valid examples beginning with ( 151 b) - our ( 151 a) antedates it-Visser confusingly goes on to discuss other groups of examples, some of them much earlier still, of the type: a Thafs being a spunger, sir, which is scarce honest: (1697 Vanbrugh, Provok'd Wife IILi.198 [Visser]) 47 48 49 50 These are quite irrelevant in exactly the. .. together with simpler progressive pas­ sives like I am being conquered, are quoted by Visser (1963-73: 242 7n.2) as 'avowedly being inserted by the author for the sake of theoretical complete­ ness' in his Grammar 319 David Denison 53 54 55 56 57 It would be pleasing if a connection could be found between (163d) and W S Landor, who spent some time on the neighbouring island of Jersey in 18 14 On the other... that the letters of Edward Fitzgerald and George Eliot, dated 1830-83 and 1836-80, respectively, are very conservative for their time in their use of the subjunctive 84 The anomalous 26 per cent inversion in protases with could in the period 1800 -49 involves six examples: four from a single play, three of them contain­ ing the idiom could I but , plus another instance of the idiom, plus one other 85 It... chapter 3.2.1.1 There is brief discussion of the count-noun status of acquaintance in Jespersen (1909 -49 : II1 04- 5) 3.2.2 On pronouns in PDE see now Wales (1996) 3.2.2.2 On the 'prop-word oni see Jespersen (1909 -49 : II 2 45 -71, 50 1 -4) , summarised and developed by Strang (1970: 96-7), CHEL II: 222 -4, and now Rissanen (1997) On X-bar Theory and the category N see Radford (1988: 1 75, 186-7, etc.) There is a... in the history of English by Wim van der Wurff (1990, 1992) The politics of language around 1800 has been tackled by many writers, notably Butler (1981), Smith (19 84) , Wood (19 94) 3.3.3 .5 There are discussions of the nominal progressive (with on, etc before the -in£ in Mosse (1938: sections 176-2 15) , Denison (1993a: 387-8), CHEL I: 189-90, II: 253 , III, forthcoming 3^7 David Denison 3.3 .5. 1 For further... (19 94) argues that the use of myself without antecedent instead of I/me may have been a 'modesty device' in the eighteenth century A recent study of locally free reflexives', particularly in Jane Austen's writings, is Baker (19 95) 3.2 .4 The this my country construction is discussed in Rissanen (1993: 50 -53 ), based on Kyto & Rissanen (1993) See also Poutsma (19 14- 29: IV 8 05- 6) 3.2 .4. 2 On use of the. .. examples like (55 ) is actually a reappearance: the OED says that 'in Standard Eng themselfwas the normal form to c 1 54 0 , but disap­ peared c 157 0' The OEDhas no modern examples, but I have attested a few, and there are at least seven in the COBUILD corpora (HarperCollins/ University of Birmingham, School of English, accessed on demonstration basis) The English Dialect Dictionary lists themselfzs a Scotticism... 3.3.6.2 There is some discussion of resistance to perfect + passive in Jespersen (1909 -49 : IV 102 -4) , Visser (1963-73: sections 793,1909) 3.3.7.3 The explanatory value of current relevance is criticised in Klein (1992) 3.3.8 .4 On retention of nonfinite DO in post-verbal ellipsis see Poutsma (19 14- 29: IV 757 ), Visser (1963-73: sections 199,1 753 ), Butters (1983: 4- 5) 3 .4. 1.1 For a full study of the history. .. article see Christophersen (1939) 3.2 .4. 5 On less Ns see Foster (1970: 217-18), Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech & Svartvik (19 85: 5. 24) , OEDs.v less A.lc 3.2 .5. 1 For discussions of adjective order in PDE see Goyvaerts (1968), Bache (1978), Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech & Svartvik (19 85: 7 . 45 , 17.113-16) 3.2 .5. 3 On comparison of adjectives see the discussion in Jespersen (1909 -49 : VII 342 -56 ) On prescriptive attitudes to... Svartvik (19 85: 12 .47 -50 ) A dissertation mentioned by Lawler on LINGUIST is Thrasher (19 74) , not seen 3.3.3 Useful studies of the progressive include those of Mosse (1938), Nehls (19 74) , Scheffer (19 75) , Strang (1982) On the origins see CHEL II: 250 -6 3.3.3.2 A further, recent development of the progressive of BE is use with inani­ mate subjects, on which see Hirtle & Begin (1990) » 3.3.3 .4 Syntactic . Inverted If 1 650 -99 28 (57 %) 21 11 (41 %) 16 10 (38%) 16 1 ( 25% ) 3 1700 -49 21 (51 %) 20 17 (57 %) 13 6 ( 25% ) 16 4 (17%) 19 1 750 -99 13 (41 %) 19 12 (43 %) 16 2 (10%). in each of (58 4c, d) quite close to the subjunctive ones, despite the highly sermonistic style of (58 4d). With certain subjunctive examples, may/might rivals should as the possible. frequency during the seventeenth century, and in our period it has taken the lead; because in the first edition of 17 95 was actually replaced by the for that of (58 2a)! (The form because