530 Rogers, C., & Skinner, B. F. (1956). Some issues concerning the control of human behavior: A symposium. Science, 124, 1057-1066. Rogers, C. (1959). A theory of therapy, per- sonality, and interpersonal relation- ships, as developed in the client- centered framework. In S. Koch (Ed.), Psychology: A study of a sci- ence. Vol. 3. New York: McGraw- Hill. Rogers, C. (1961). On becoming a person. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Krause, M. (1964). An analysis of Carl R. Rogers’ theory of personality. Ge- netic Psychology Monographs, 69, 49-99. Epstein, S. (1973). The self-concept revisited or a theory of a theory. American Psychologist, 28, 404-416. Raimy, V. (1975). Misunderstandings of the self: Cognitive psychotherapy and the misconception hypothesis. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Rogers, C. (1980). A way of being. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. ROLE-CONFUSION HYPOTHESIS. See ERIKSON’S THEORY OF PERSONALITY. ROLE-CONSTRUCT THEORY. See KELLY’S PERSONAL CONSTRUCT THE- ORY. ROLE-ENACTMENT THEORY. See HYPNOSIS/HYPNOTISM, THEORIES OF. ROLE-EXPECTATIONS HYPOTHESIS. See WORK/CAREER/OCCUPATION, THE- ORIES OF. ROLE-ROLE THEORY. See SELF-CON- CEPT THEORY. ROLE THEORY OF PERSONALITY. See PERSONALITY THEORIES. ROLFING THEORY/THERAPY. The rolf- ing theory/therapy refers to a massage treat- ment or technique of psychotherapy - also known formally as structural integration the- ory - that was developed originally in the 1930s, and popularized in the 1960s and 1970s, by the American physical therapist Ida Pauline Rolf (1896-1979), and consists of deep penetration/massage via the fingers, knuckles, elbows, and hands into the client’s muscles in order to correct postural deficits and to “realign” the body vertically and sym- metrically with the gravity field. The theory postulates that the body assumes particular characteristic postures due to learned muscle arrangements, and that if one’s muscle ar- rangements are changed, then corresponding personality changes will occur, also, in the client. For example, if the person walks with a shuffle or hesitant gait, then teaching him or her - via postural/muscular changes - to walk briskly, upright, and purposively will influ- ence that individual’s personality in positive ways as well. See also ALEXANDER MOD- EL/TECHNIQUE; PSEUDOSCIENTIFIC/ UNCONVENTIONAL THEORIES. REFERENCE Rolf, I. P. (1977). Rolfing: The integration of human structures. Santa Monica, CA: Dennis-Landman. ROMEO AND JULIET EFFECT. See RE- ACTANCE THEORY. ROSENTHAL EFFECT. See EXPERIMEN- TER EFFECTS. ROTATING HEAD/PORTRAIT ILLUS- ION. See APPENDIX A. ROTTER’S SOCIAL LEARNING THE- ORY. = internal-external control of rein- forcement. The American psychologist Julian Bernard Rotter (1916- ) formulated a social learning theory that combines the Hullian concept of reinforcement with the Tolmanian concept of cognition to describe situations where the individual has a number of behav- ioral options (behavioral potential theory). In Rotter’s approach, each potential behavior of the person is related to an outcome that has a particular reinforcement value associated with it, as well as an expectancy concerning the likelihood of the reinforcers following each behavior. Thus, Rotter’s theory may be char- acterized as an expectancy-value model where the likelihood of a behavior’s occurrence is a 531 function of both the value of the reinforcer associated with it and the probability of the reinforcer occurring. In Rotter’s model, the value and probability of various reinforcers are unique to the person, and it is the person’s internal value and expectancy calculations that are important rather than some objective measure of value and probability. Rotter pro- poses that situations may be assessed, also, in terms of the outcomes (i.e., expectancy and value of reinforcers) associated with specific behaviors, as well as suggesting that individu- als develop expectations that hold across many situations (called generalized expectan- cies). Among Rotter’s generalized expectan- cies are interpersonal trust (i.e., the degree to which one can rely on the word of others), and internal versus external locus of control of reinforcement (also called, simply, locus of control), which has received a great deal of research attention in psychology. According to Rotter’s approach, persons who score high on measures of internal locus of control expect that outcomes or reinforcers depend mostly on their own efforts, whereas persons scoring high on external locus of control have an ex- pectancy that outcomes depend largely on external forces such as others, including the factors of luck, chance, and fate. Theoreti- cally, external locus of control types of indi- viduals typically feel relatively helpless in relation to events. Rotter developed the “In- ternal-External (I-E) Scale” to measure indi- vidual differences in generalized expectancies concerning the extent to which punishments and rewards are under external or internal control. Variations of the I-E Scale have ap- peared, also, in research in the areas of health and children’s behavior. Although Rotter’s theory had a large impact on research in per- sonality and social learning psychology for about a decade (his 1966 monograph on gen- eralized expectancies was the most frequently cited single article in the social sciences since 1969), its influence has declined recently - perhaps due to the fact that the locus of con- trol scale has been found to be more complex than was expected originally. See also BAN- DURA’S THEORY; EXPECTANCY THE- ORY; HULL’S LEARNING THEORY; RE- INFORCEMENT THEORY; TOLMAN’S THEORY. REFERENCES Rotter, J. B. (1954). Social learning and clini- cal psychology. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Phares, E. (1957). Expectancy changes in skill and chance situations. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 54, 339-342. Lefcourt, H. (1966). Internal versus external control of reinforcement: A review. Psychological Bulletin, 65, 206-220. Rotter, J. B. (1966). Generalized expectancies for internal versus external control of reinforcement. Psychological Mono-graphs, 80, No. 609. Rotter, J. B. (1971). Generalized expectancies for interpersonal trust. American Psychologist, 26, 443-452. Rotter, J. B. (1975). Some problems and mis- conceptions related to the construct of internal versus external control of reinforcement. Journal of Consult- ing and Clinical Psychology, 43, 56- 67. Rotter, J. B. (1981). The psychological situa- tion in social learning theory. In D. Magnusson (Ed.), Toward a psy- chology of situations. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Feather, N. (Ed.) (1982). Expectancies and actions: Expectancy-value models in psychology. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Lefcourt, H. (Ed.) (1984). Research with the locus of control construct. Orlando, FL: Academic Press. Rotter, J. B. (1990). Internal versus external controls of reinforcement. American Psychologist, 45, 489-493. ROUGH-AND-READY THEORY. See ATTITUDE/ATTITUDE CHANGE, THEO- RIES OF. RUBIN FIGURE/ILLUSION. See APPEN- DIX A. RULE LEARNING AND COMPLEXITY. See CONCEPT LEARNING/CONCEPT FORMATION, THEORIES OF. RUMOR INTENSITY FORMULA. See RUMOR TRANSMISSION THEORY. 532 RUMOR TRANSMISSION THEORY. A rumor may be defined as an unconfirmed message passed from one person to another in face-to-face interaction (cf., children’s game of “Gossip” or “Chinese Whispers”) that re- fers to an object, person, or situation rather than to an idea or theory. Thus, the notions of “gossip,” “grapevine,” “hearsay,” “tattle-tale,” and “scuttlebutt” (along with the snowball effect - the increased magnification of material upon the retelling of it) are included in rumor transmission. The American sociologist H. Taylor Buckner (1965) notes that whether a rumor is truthful or untruthful is unimportant in studying rumor transmission. The essential features of a rumor are that it is unconfirmed at the time of transmission, and that it is passed from one person to another. Buckner’s theoretical framework for rumor transmission is that the individual is in one of three orienta- tions, situations, or “sets” vis-à-vis a rumor: a critical set, an uncritical set, or a transmission set. If the person takes a critical set, he/she is capable of using “critical ability” to separate the true from the false in rumors. If an uncriti- cal set is adopted, the person is unable to use “critical ability” to test the truth of the rumor. In the transmission set - usually found in labo- ratory experiments - the individual’s “critical ability” is considered to be irrelevant. Thus, in Buckner’s theory of rumor transmission, whether rumors become more or less accurate as they are passed on depends on the individ- ual’s “set” and on the structure of the situation in which the rumor originates and spreads subsequently. In the rumor intensity formula - a theoretical proposition advanced by the American psychologists Gordon Willard All- port (1897-1967) and Leo Joseph Postman (1918- ) - the suggestion is made that the strength of a rumor depends on its importance multiplied by the difficulty of falsifying it. In general, rumors seem to be propagated and governed by the same processes that underlie the phenomena of assimilation (i.e., the distor- tion of a memory via attempts to make it simi- lar to other already-existing memories), sharpening (i.e., the exaggera- tion/magnification of certain prominent details in memory/perception), and leveling (i.e., the tendency to perceive/remember material as “good gestalts” where unimportant and incon- gruous details disappear gradually over time). The technique of serial reproduction - a pro- cedure for studying memory in a social con- text - has been used, also, as a laboratory model of rumor transmission. This approach - developed, described, and popularized by the American psychologist Ernest N. Henderson (1869-1967) and the English psychologist Sir Frederic C. Bartlett (1886-1969) - involves a person reading a short story and then telling it from memory to a second person who, in turn, tells it from memory to a third person, etc., in a “round-robin” procedure that is similar to the child’s game of “Gossip.” When this method is employed, the phenomena of level- ing, sharpening, and assimilation typically are exhibited after about only eight separate transmissions. In a variation of the serial re- production technique, an original stimulus that is different from the short-story stimu- lus/material - such as a drawing that is repro- duced serially from memory by each of the members of the group - may be used to achieve the same results. See also GESTALT THEORY/LAWS; INFECTION THE- ORY/EFFECT; PERCEPTION (I. GEN- ERAL), THEORIES OF. REFERENCES Henderson, E. N. (1903). Introductory: Educa- tion and experimental psychology. Psychological Monographs, 5, 1-94. Bartlett, F. C. (1932). Remembering: A study in experimental and social psychol- ogy. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Allport, G. W., & Postman, L. J. (1947). The psychology of rumor. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. Charus, A. (1953). The basic law of rumor. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 48, 313-314. Buckner, H. T. (1965). A theory of rumor transmission. Public Opinion Quar- terly, 29, 54-70. Rosnow, R. L. (1980). Psychology of rumor reconsidered. Psychological Bullet- in, 87, 578-591. RUMPELSTILTSKIN EFFECT/PHEN- OMENON. See APPENDIX A. 533 RUTHERFORD’S FREQUENCY THEO- RY. See AUDITION/HEARING, THEORIES OF. 534 S SALIENCE HYPOTHESIS. See DREAM THEORY. SAME-DIFFERENT THEORY. See SELF- CONCEPT THEORY. SAMPLE SIZE FALLACY. See PROB- ABILITY THEORY/LAWS. SANDER/LUCKIESH PARALLELO- GRAM ILLUSION. See APPENDIX A. SANTAYANA’S THEORY OF HUMOR. The Spanish-born American philosopher and poet George Santayana (1863-1952) chal- lenged both the incongruity and superiority theories of humor. Santayana’s theory of hu- mor indicates that amusement (i.e., the feeling that prompts laughter) is more directly a physical thing than incongruity and superior- ity theories claim - it depends on a certain amount of nervous excitement (e.g., a person may be amused merely by being tickled or by hearing or seeing other people who laugh). Although he does critique both the incongruity and superiority humor theories, Santayana does not totally reject those theories; for in- stance, he agrees that people often laugh in situations involving incongruity or degrada- tion. Thus, according to Santayana, when we react to a comic incongruity or degradation, it is never those things in themselves that give pleasure but, rather, it is the excitement and stimulation caused by the person’s perception of those things. Santayana insists that it is impossible to enjoy the incongruity itself - as some versions of incongruity theory provide - because, as rational animals, humans are averse constitutionally or innately to absurd- ity, incongruity, or nonsense in any form. Santayana, like Plato before him, maintains that amusement is a pleasure that is mixed with pain, and that is why people prefer to get their mental stimulation - including humor - without incongruity. The essence of humor, according to Santayana, is that amusing weakness should be combined with an “ami- cable humanity.” See also HUMOR, THEO- RIES OF; INCONGRUITY/ INCONSIS- TENCY THEORIES OF HUMOR; PLATO’S THEORY OF HUMOR; SUPERIORITY THEORIES OF HUMOR. REFERENCE Santayana, G. (1896/1904). The sense of beauty. New York: Scribner’s. SATIATION/DISGUST, LAW OF. See CONDUCT, LAWS OF. SATISFICING HYPOTHESIS. See EX- PECTED UTILITY THEORY. SAUCE BEARNAISE EFFECT. See GAR- CIA EFFECT. SAW-TOOTHED THEORY. See LEAD- ERSHIP, THEORIES OF. SAYRE’S LAW. See MURPHY’S LAW(S). SCALAR TIMING THEORY. = scalar ex- pectancy theory. Scalar timing theory is the most completely developed general quantita- tive model of animal timing today. It attempts to achieve the following four goals of timing/ temporal search: to account for data from human timing experiments as well as for ani- mal timing experiments; to account for data from perceptual experiments (“time estima- tion”); to account for timing behavior not only in the range of seconds to minutes, but also for shorter and longer durations; and to account for inter-event distributions as well as to fixed time from some event until reinforcement. Three versions of timing theories, along with their hypothetical constructs, include: scalar timing theory (pulses from an “oscillator” are summed in an “accumulator” and stored in a distribution device); behavioral theory of tim- ing (pulses from an “oscillator” advance be- havioral states, each of which has some strength); and multiple oscillator model (half- phases from “multiple oscillators” are stored in an “autoassociation matrix”). Scalar timing theory has been categorized, also, into infor- mation-processing theories and connectionist theories. The notion of an “internal clock” of timing behavior is considered by many re- 535 searchers to be an information processing sys- tem/model that contains a number of compo- nents such as a “pacemaker,” a switch that may connect the pacemaker to an “accumula- tor,” a working (short-term) memory, and a reference (long-term) memory. According to this view, the rate of the pacemaker is not tied to the rate of reinforcement (as it is in the behavioral theory of timing), although it may vary randomly between intervals that are be- ing timed. The connectionist theories of tim- ing were developed to determine whether an associationist theory of timing could account for the data that were explained by scalar timing theory. In terms of their “psychological modularity,” the three timing theories may be considered to be quite similar; that is, they all have information-processing stages of percep- tion, memory, and decisions; however, their “representations” of each of these stages are different. For instance, J. Crystal reports that a connectionist theory of time (based on data from rats’ judgments of time intervals in a choice procedure) with “multiple oscillators” is preferred over the linear timing hypothesis of scalar timing theory. The unique strength of scalar timing theory is that it has explicit solutions for several experimental procedures, and has provided precise fits to mean func- tions and to correlation patterns between in- dexes of behavior. The notable strength of the behavioral theory of timing, on the other hand, is that it provides a parsimonious account of data with emphasis on observed behavior. The outstanding feature of the multiple oscillator model is that it provides qualitative fits to some aspects (such as “periodicities” and “systematic residuals”) of timing behavior. It may be speculated (e.g., Church, 1997) that the next generation of timing theories will include the following features: standards for description and quantitative evaluation; inte- gration of neurobiological evidence into the timing theories; modification of current theo- ries and development of a new theory that deals more efficiently with the combined ac- counts of the perceptual representation of time, the nature of temporal memory, and decision processes. In another case (Weardon, 1999), it is suggested that the future tripartite division of scalar timing theory into “clock,” “memory,” and “decision processes” is a use- ful general framework for studying timing, including issues related to its neurobiological basis. See also ASSOCIATIVE LEARNING IN ANIMALS, THEORIES OF; BEHAV- IORAL THEORY OF TIMING; INFORMA- TION/INFORMATION-PROCESSING THE- ORIES; PSYCHOLOGICAL TIME, MOD- ELS OF; TIME, THEORIES OF. REFERENCES Gibbon, J. (1977). Scalar expectancy theory and Weber’s law in animal timing. Psychological Review, 84, 279-325. Church, R. M., & Broadbent, H. (1991). A connectionist model of timing. In M. Commons & S. Grossberg (Eds.), Neural network models of conditioning and action. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Gibbon, J. (1991). Origins of scalar timing. Learning and Motivation, 22, 3-38. Gibbon, J., & Church, R. M. (1992). Compari- son of variance and covariance pat- terns in parallel and serial theories of timing. Journal of the Experimen- tal Analysis of Behavior, 57, 393- 406. Church, R. M. (1997). Timing and temporal search. In C. M. Bradshaw & E. Szabadi (Eds.), Time and behavior: Psychological and neurobehavioral analyses. Amsterdam, Netherlands: North-Holland. Crystal, J. (1999). Systematic nonlinearities in the perception of temporal intervals. Journal of Experimental Psychol- ogy: Animal Behavior Processes, 25, 3-17. Weardon, J. H. (1999). Exploring and devel- oping scalar timing theory. Behav- ioral Processes (Special issue. In- terval timing: Is there a clock?), 45, 3-21. Church, R. M. (2003). A concise introduction to scalar timing theory. In W. H. Meck (Ed.), Functional and neural mechanisms of internal timing. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press. SCALE ATTENUATION EFFECT. See MEASUREMENT THEORY. 536 SCANNING HYPOTHESIS/MODEL. See DREAM THEORY; ESTES’ STIMULUS SAMPLING THEORY. SCAPEGOAT THEORY. See PREJUDICE, THEORIES OF. SCHACHTER-SINGER’S THEORY OF EMOTION. The American psychologists Stanley Schachter (1922- ) and Jerome Singer (1929- ) proposed a theory of emotions (call- ed the cognitive-appraisal/evaluation theory) in the 1960s that challenged certain aspects of both the cognitive theory of emotions and the earlier James-Lange theory. Where these other theories assumed that each emotion is associ- ated with a specific physiological state or condition (cf., Funkenstein, 1955), Schachter and Singer argued that individuals who are in a state of physiological arousal for which they have no explanation will label that state as an emotion that is appropriate to the situation in which they find themselves (e.g., the arousal will be labeled as “happy” if the person is at a party, but the same arousal state will be la- beled as “angry” if the person is confronting another person in an argument). The experi- ments of Schachter and his associates point out the fact that emotions seem to depend on two components (Schachter-Singer’s theory is sometimes also called a two-factor theory: (1) some kind of objective physiological arousal and (2) a subjective cognitive or mental proc- ess and appraisal whereby persons interpret and label their bodily changes. People who have no reasonable or objective explanation for their internal, emotional, or aroused state may interpret their mood in subjective terms according to their perception of the present existing environment. The Schachter-Singer theory, also, has been referred to as the juke- box theory of emotions because one’s physiol- ogy is aroused by some stimulus, where the arousing stimulus is compared to the coin placed in a jukebox. The stimulus sets off patterns of brain activity, especially in the hypothalamus that, in turn, activates the auto- nomic nervous system and the endocrine glands, causing a state of general physiologi- cal arousal. The body’s sensory receptors report these physiological changes to the brain. However, the sensations are vague and can be labeled in many different ways, just as a jukebox activated by a coin can be made to play any one of a number of different songs, depending on which button is pushed. Al- though the experiments of Schachter and his associates seem to support a cognitive theory of emotions, they may actually come closer to the James-Lange theory because Schachter- Singer’s theory implies that the physiological arousal state comes about first, and the cogni- tive label that defines the emotion comes af- terward. Some theorists [e.g., the American psychologist Magda B. Arnold (1903-2002)] argue that Schachter’s experiments are inter- esting but not relevant for a theory of emotion inasmuch as people do not normally look for a label to identify their emotions. The alterna- tive view is that emotions are felt without attending to the physiological changes that accompany them, and people react to the ob- ject or event and not to a physiological state within themselves. On the other hand, al- though some recent studies of emotion have not always agreed with Schachter and Singer’s viewpoint, many investigators do offer sup- port for the contention that people often inter- pret their emotions in terms of external cues. The Schachter-Singer theory has been fruitful, also, in suggesting the important research question of the origin or source of one’s physiological arousal. For example, one source of arousal that has been explored in recent years is the discrepancy between actual and expected events. According to the Aus- trian-born American American psychologist George Mandler’s (1924- ) discrepancy-eval- uation/constructivity theory, the greater the gap between what a person expects and what actually happens in a given situation, the greater the resulting arousal. Such arousal is interpreted, then, cognitively to yield subjec- tive experiences of emotion. The discrepancy- evaluation/constructivity theory suggests, further, that arousal level determines the in- tensity of the emotional experience, whereas cognitive evaluation determines its specific identity or quality. Thus, the discrepancy- evaluation/constructivity theory extends the Schachter-Singer theory by identifying a ma- jor cause of the arousal that people interpret - in terms of external cues - as one emotion or another. See also ARNOLD’S THEORY OF 537 EMOTIONS; ATTRIBUTION THEORY; COGNITIVE THEORIES OF EMOTIONS; EMOTIONS, THEORIES/LAWS OF; JAMES-LANGE/ LANGE-JAMES THEORY OF EMOTIONS. REFERENCES Funkenstein, D. (1955). The physiology of fear and anger. Scientific American, 192, 74-80. Schachter, S., & Singer, J. (1962). Cognitive, social, and physiological determi- nants of emotional state. Psycho- logical Review, 69, 379-399. Mandler, G. (1990). A constructivity theory of emotion. In N. Stein, B. Leventhal, & T. Tragbasso (Eds.), Psychologi- cal and biological approaches to emotion. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Sinclair, R., Hoffman, C., Mark, M., Martin, L., & Pickering, T. (1994). Con- struct accessibility and the misat- tribution of arousal: Schachter and Singer revisited. Psychological Sci- ence, 5, 15-19. SCHAFER-MURPHY EFFECT. See GES- TALT THEORY/LAWS. SCHANZ’S COLOR VISION THEORY. See COLOR VISION, THEORIES/LAWS OF. SCHEMA THEORY OF MEMORY. See BARTLETT’S SCHEMATA THEORY. SCHIZOPHRENIA, THEORIES OF. The term schizophrenia is a general label for a number of psychotic disorders with various behavioral, emotional, and cognitive features. The term was originated by the Swiss psychia- trist Eugen Bleuler (1857-1939) in 1911, who offered it as a replacement for the term de- mentia praecox (i.e., “precocious madness/ deterioration/insanity”). In its literal meaning, schizophrenia is a “splitting of the mind,” a connotation reflecting a dissociation or sepa- ration between the functions of feeling/emo- tion, on one hand, and those of cognition/ thinking on the other hand. The ”split” in schizophrenia implies a horizontal direction, rather than a vertical direction (as indicated in the disorder called multiple personality, which is confused, often, by laypeople with schizo- phrenia). In the simplest terms, multiple per- sonality is a “split within self,” whereas schi- zophrenia is a “split between self and others.” Various categories, descriptions, and subtypes of schizophrenia have been developed (e.g., acute, borderline, catatonic, childhood or in- fantile autism, chronic, disorganized, he- bephrenic, latent, paranoid/paraphrenic, proc- ess, reactive, residual, schizoaffective, simple, and undifferentiated), but there are certain common aspects to all types: (1) deterioration from previous levels of social, cognitive, and vocational functioning; (2) onset before mid- life (i.e., about 45-50 years of age); (3) a dura- tion of at least six months; and (4) a pattern of psychotic features including thought distur- bances, bizarre delusions, hallucinations, dis- turbed sense of self, and a loss of reality test- ing. The progressive teleological-regression hypothesis (Arieti, 1974) is a theory of schizophrenia that maintains that the disorder results from a process of active concretization, that is, a purposeful returning to lower levels of psychodynamic and behavioral adaptation that - although momentarily effective in re- ducing anxiety - tends ultimately toward re- petitive behaviors and results in a failure to maintain integration [cf., deviant filter theory - holds that patients diagnosed with schizophre- nia are unable to ignore unimportant features and stimuli and, therefore, cannot attend to stimuli of greater importance in the environ- ment; and the von Domarus principle - named after the Dutch psychiatrist Eilhardt von Do- marus (dates unknown) - states that persons with schizophrenia perceive two things as identical simply because they have identical properties or predicates, and that whereas the normal person interprets events on the basis of their objective features, the schizophrenic individual interprets events in idiosyncratic and unrealistic ways; the principle is what logicians have known for over 2,000 years as the “fallacy of the undistributed middle,” and is not necessarily restricted to the reasoning abilities in schizophrenics]. In general, current theories of schizophrenia focus on biochemi- cal abnormalities, with some cases of schizo- phrenia appearing to be of genetic origin, perhaps triggered by environmental stresses (cf., neurodevelopmental hypothesis - holds 538 that schizophrenia is due largely to abnormali- ties in the prenatal or neonatal development of the individual’s nervous system, leading to deficits in brain anatomy and behavior; viral hypothesis of schizophrenia - postulates that schizophrenia may be caused, or precipitated, by a viral infection in the person; brain-spot hypothesis - refers to theories that emphasize organic factors in the etiology of mental dis- ease; the mind-twist hypothesis - emphasizes a functional, rather than a structural, basis of mental disorders; and Sutton’s law - named after the notorious Willie Sutton (1902-1980) who robbed banks because “that’s where the money is,” and is the principle - when applied to clinical diagnosis - that one should look for a disorder where, or in whom, it is most likely to be found and emphasizes the predisposing factors in all diseases and disorders). The major theoretical models of the etiology of schizophrenia are the specific gene theory - assumes that the disorder is caused by one or more faulty genes that produce metabolic disturbances (cf., the founder effect - relates to population genetics and the high rate of schizophrenia in residents of Sweden above the Artic Circle); psychoanalytic theory - gives primacy to aggressive impulses, and suggests that the threats of the intense id im- pulses may provoke schizophrenia depending on the strength of the ego; however, few data are available on the psychoanalytic position, and there is no evidence that ego impairments cause schizophrenia; labeling theory - as- sumes that the crucial factor in schizophrenia is the act of assigning a diagnostic label to the person where the label then influences the way in which the person continues to behave and, also, determines the reactions of other people to the individual’s behavior; that is, the social role is the disorder, and it is determined by the labeling process; experiential/familial theory - assumes that one’s family is a key factor in producing schizophrenic behavior in the person where - in a process called “mysti- fication” - the parent systematically strips the child’s feeling and perceptions about himself or herself and the world of all validity so that the child comes to doubt his/her hold on real- ity (e.g., R. Laing’s theory of schizophrenia refers to a “double-bind, no-win situation;” cf., expressed emotions effect - holds that there is a high relapse rate in schizophrenia that is to be associated with critical emotions expressed toward mental patients by their families, and indicates that schizophrenia may be a somewhat “protective” device to escape from an undesirable social situation); bio- chemical/neurological theories - at this time, no single biochemical or neurological theory has unequivocal support [cf., Fiamberti hy- pothesis - named after the Italian psychosur- geon Amarro M. Fiamberti (dates unknown), is an outdated theory positing that schizophre- nia results from a nervous-tissue deficiency of acetylcholine that may be secondary to an infectious/toxic condition; and the glutamate hypothesis - suggests that schizophrenia is caused by an activity deficit at the glutamate synapses]. However, there are promising, but incomplete, findings concerning areas both of brain pathology and of excess activity of the neurotransmitter dopamine regarding the inci- dence of schizophrenia. Other theories in- clude: social class theory - emphasizes the consistent correlations found between lowest socioeconomic class and the diagnosis of schizophrenia; in this category, the sociogenic hypothesis states that simply being in a low social class may in itself cause schizophrenia, and the social drift theory (also called the downward drift hypothesis and social selec- tion theory of pathology) suggests that during the course of their developing psychosis, schizophrenics may “drift” into the poverty- ridden areas of the city, or may drift down- wardly to lower levels and standards of so- cialization and end up in pitiful circumstances; the environmental stress/family theories - view schizophrenia as a reaction to a stressful environment, or family, that presents over- whelming and anxiety-producing conditions; the diathesis-stress hypothesis - refers to a predisposition to develop a particular disorder: in this case, schizophrenia, as a result of inter- action between stressful demands and per- sonal traits; the term schizophrenogenic par- ent/mother hypothesis was coined [by the Ger- man-American physician Frieda Fromm- Reichmann (1889-1957)] to refer to the cold, rejecting, distant, aloof, dominant, and con- flict-inducing parent who is said to produce schizophrenia in one’s offspring (cf., refrig- erator parents theory - an obsolete theory of 539 autism that characterizes the autistic child’s parents as cold, unloving, intellectual, and relatively uninterested in their children). Early researchers studying schizophrenia looked for, and found, pathology in one or both parents of psychotic children; however, more current research suggests that there is no valid scien- tific evidence confirming the speculation that parental disorders precede and/or precipitate their children’s disturbances. Another promi- nent early viewpoint, the double-bind theory (that is lacking, also, in empirical support) emphasizes the situation faced by a person who receives contradictory or “mixed” mes- sages from a powerful person (usually the parent) who has difficulty with close affec- tionate relationships but cannot admit to such feelings. In the double-bind scenario, the par- ent communicates withdrawal and coldness when the child approaches but, then, reaches out toward the child with simulated love when the child pulls back from the coldness; in this way, the child is caught in a double bind: no course of action can possibly prove satisfac- tory, and all assumptions about what she or he is supposed to do will be disconfirmed. The constitutional-predisposition theory combines the genetic and the environmental theories and argues that a variety of disparate dispositions are inherited but that the emergence of a diag- nosable schizophrenic disorder is dependent on the degree of these dispositions and the extent to which they are encouraged by par- ticular types of environmental conditions; this point of view has the largest number of adher- ents among specialists (cf., the largely dis- credited seasonality effect/hypothesis - states that there is a greater prevalence of schizo- phrenia in persons who are born in the late winter or early spring). The two-syndrome hypothesis/theory suggests that schizophrenia is composed of two separate syndromes: Type 1 that is related to dopamine sensitivity and produces symptoms such as delusions and hallucinations, and Type 2 that is related to genetics and brain abnormalities and pro- duces symptoms such as flat effect and social withdrawal. 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