Labrador Inuit 201 Labrador Inuit ETHNONYM: Labrador Eskimo Orientation 'Labrador Inuit" refers to the native Inuit people of Labrador, a section of Canada that is now within the provinces of Que- bec and Newfoundland. Scholars have recently suggested that the Inuit of Labrador are more accurately classified as two groups: the Labrador Inuit, on the coast of the Labrador Sea in Newfoundland, and the Inuit of Quebec, on the coasts of Hudson Bay and Hudson Strait and in the interior of Lab- rador. Aboriginally, the Labrador Inuit lived along the coast of the Labrador Sea from the Button Islands south to Cape Charles. In 1772-1773 there were about 1,460 Labrador Inuit in this region. Today, they live primarily north of Cape Harrison, in the villages of Postville, Makkovik, Hopedale, and Nain and number about 2,000. Also found in this region are people labeled "Settlers" who are descendants of Inuit- White marriages that occurred with considerable frequency after 1763. Settlers are generally not considered Inuit and have had greater access to European-Canadian society and a more stable socioeconomic position than the Inuit. Aborigi- nally, the Inuit of Quebec were composed of three regional bands: the Siqinirmiut on the coastline of Ungava Bay; the Tarramiut in the northernmost section of Quebec Labrador, and the Itivimiut on the coast of Hudson Bay and inland, south of the Tarramiut. In the early nineteenth century, they numbered about 2,000 and in 1969, numbered 3,561. History and Cultural Relations Contacts with the Labrador Inuit before 1700 generally in- volved hostilities with European whalers and fishermen. Ini- tial relations with French traders who began arriving in 1700 were also characterized by hostility, but eventually gave way to peaceful trade, with the Inuit supplying cod and seal to the trading posts in southern Labrador. From 1763 to 1949, the Inuit were in contact with the British, and over that period the culture was transformed from an isolated hunter-gatherer one to one reliant on European-Canadian society. The Mora- vian missionaries who established a mission in 1771 were a key influence, and effectively replaced the traditional religion with Christianity and involved the Inuit in a trading post- based settlement and economic system. After 1926 the Hud- son's Bay Company replaced the mission store as the central trading post. As regards the Inuit of Quebec, the first trading post was established near their territory in 1750. From then on, the Inuit were slowly drawn into the European-Canadian econ- omy, a process that was essentially completed by the twenti- eth century. Central players in this were the Anglican mis- sionaries, the Hudson's Bay Company, and whaling and fishing stations. After 1900, the Inuit were caught in the mid- dle of fur trade competition involving the Hudson's Bay Company and the French fur company, Rivillon Freres, which further involved the Inuit in the fur trade. Since the 1950s in Labrador and the 1960s in Quebec, the Inuit have been drawn further into European-Canadian society and enmeshed in an administrative and economic framework involving both the two provincial and the national governments. Among major changes are the formation of per- manent communities, involvement in commercial fishing and wage labor, compulsory education, and English or French re- placing Inuit as the primary language. Settlements The Labrador Inuit were seminomadic, usually spending the winter months in small villages of multifamily semisubter- ranean dwellings and the warmer months in tents. The Inuit of Quebec made more extensive use of snowhouses than did those in Labrador who used them only occasionally. Today, the Labrador Inuit are mostly settled in a number of villages and towns. Economy The traditional economy rested on the hunting of sea mam- mals (whales, seals, walruses) on the coast and caribou in- land. These activities were supplemented by fishing, collect- ing of shellfish, and hunting of birds and small animals. Men hunted, women gathered, and both men and women fished. Although there was no ownership of land, specific bands or regional groupings might have priority to certain territories and such groups might coalesce at various times to hunt cari- bou. After the entrance of fur traders, trapping became an im- portant activity, and the Labrador Inuit became progressively more dependent on European trade goods. Travel was by umiak, kayak (for hunting sea mammals), and dogsled; these have now been largely replaced by motorboats and snowmo- biles, and the rifle has replaced the harpoon, darts, and bow and arrow. Marriage and Family Marriage was preferentially polygynous, and many such mar- riages were reported by early explorers, traders, and missionar- ies in the area. Postmarital residence was patrilocal, though kin ties were maintained with the wife's family as well. The typical domestic unit was either a polygynous family or a nu- clear family with various other relatives added on. Winter dwellings housed about twenty people. Under the pressure of the fur trade, European settlers, and missionaries, there has been a shift to smaller, nuclear family domestic units. Sociopolitical Organization Neither the Labrador Inuit nor the Inuit of Quebec were or- ganized as distinct cohesive units. Rather, the families, multi- family settlements, bands, and sometimes regional groupings of bands were the basic sociopolitical units. Leadership by older men was recognized at the household and family levels, and sometimes a broader leadership role might be given a man recognized as a great hunter or as a powerful shaman. Disputes at the local level were usually settled in informal vil- lage councils composed of the older men in the village. After establishment of the Moravian church, the elected church councils served as the governing bodies of the Labrador com- munities. After 1970, community councils and various com- mittees replaced the church councils. Since 1973 the Labra- dor Inuit Association has been involved in fighting for aboriginal rights as well as serving as a forum for the joining of Inuit and Settler concerns. As regards the Inuit in Quebec, 202 Labrador Inuit the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement of 1975 led to a division in the group between the majority who favored acceptance of compensation for giving up aboriginal rights and those who opposed the settlement. The agreement re- sulted in the formation of various Inuit corporations, some of which have failed, and others that have been successful. Religion and Expressive Culture The Labrador Inuit and, perhaps more so, the Inuit of Que- bec had a rich mythology and spirit world, with giants, guard- ian spirits, animal spirits, dwarfs, and other mythological forms. Important spirits included Torngarsoak, the spirit of seals and whales, Superguksoak, the spirit of land animals, and Nerchevik, the sea goddess. Shamans were central figures in Labrador Inuit life. Men or women could be shamans, though they were more often men. Shamans invoked their guardian spirits to cure the sick, increase hunting success, and predict and control the weather. The Labrador Inuit came under the influence of the Moravian missionaries in the late 1700s, and by the mid-1800s, virtually all had been con- verted to Christianity. Traditional beliefs and practices con- tinued for some years, often in secret, but have now been largely replaced by Christianity. of the general Plateau type and they spoke an Interior Salish language. Most of them now live on or near the Colville In- dian Reservation in northeastern Washington as part of the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation and are gen- erally assimilated into European-American society. Their cur- rent population is unknown, but they probably number about three hundred. Bibliography Curtis, Edward (1911). The North American Indian. Vol. 11. Norwood, Mass. Reprint. Johnson Reprint Corp., 1970. Teit, James A. (1930). The Salishan Tribes of the Western Plateau. U.S. Bureau of American Ethnology, 45th Annual Report (1927-1928), 37-396. Washington, D.C. Latinos Bibliography Brantenberg, Anne B., and Terje Brantenberg (1984). "Coastal Northern Labrador after 1950." In Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 5, Arctic, edited by David Damas, 689-699. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institu- tion. Saladin d'Anglure, Bernard (1984). "Contemporary Inuit of Quebec." In Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 5, Arctic, edited by David Damas, 683-688. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. Saladin d'Anglure, Bernard (1984). "Inuit of Quebec." In Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 5, Arctic, edited by David Damas, 476-507. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian In- stitution. Taylor, J. Garth (1984). "Historical Ethnography of the Lab- rador Coast." In Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 5, Arctic, edited by David Damas, 508-521. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. Lake The Lake (Senijextee, Gens des Lacs) lived on both sides of the Columbia River from Kettle Falls in northeastern Wash- ington into British Columbia to the Arrow Lakes, on the Ket- tle River, and on the lower Kootenay River. Their culture was ETHNONYMS: Central Americans, Chicanos (alternative for Mexican Americans), Cuban Americans, Dominicans, El Salvadorians, Guatemalans, Hispanics, Marielitos, Mexican Americans, Nicaraguans, Puerto Ricans Orientation Identification. Latinos in the United States are a diverse group and, collectively, the second largest ethnic minority population in the country. Latino groups include, principally, Mexican Americans, who are the largest and (in historic terms) the oldest group; Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, Dominicans (from the Dominican Republic) and in recent years Central Americans, mainly from El Salvador, Nicara- gua, and Guatemala. Most Latino Americans came to the United States as a result of one of the many wars of the last 150 years. Puerto Ricans and many Mexican Americans are descendants of residents whose homelands were annexed by the United States; many more Mexican, Cuban, and Central American refugees fled from civil wars and revolutionary up- heavals. Others, however, came with or without government visas to seek economic opportunities. The U.S. Bureau of the Census has used the term "Hispanic" to designate all such persons, and use of the label has become widespread. An His- panic is anyone in the United States who has a Spanish sur- name and comes from a Spanish-speaking background. Most people, however, prefer other labels that reflect where they came from, where they live, when they came, and how they have adapted to the dominant culture of the United States. In short, there are many Hispanics, and even within the broader subgroupings, there are very wide spectrums of his- torical experience and tradition. An understanding of the way these spectrums have come into being requires an apprecia- tion of the importance of time, place, and history. Thus, "Latino" (a generic term created by the people themselves) identity is a varied and complex process that has created a fas- cinating mosaic. Latinos 203 Location. Place has been crucial to the formation of the many Latino identities. For one thing, geography determines proximity to cultural roots in Latin America. Just as impor- tant, the U.S. government's acquisition and integration of Latinos was episodic, and the political and social conflicts that resulted from that process varied by region and by time period. Mexican Americans live principally in the southwest- ern states of California, Texas, Arizona, Colorado, and New Mexico, all of which were, before 1848, part of northern Mex- ico. Puerto Ricans outside of the island territory have settled mostly in New York City and large Midwestern cities. Domin- icans are located principally in New York, Cuban Americans, in Florida, and Central Americans, in California and Hous- ton. Beyond these concentrations, members of each group also live in most major American cities. Demography. Estimates of the 1989 population based on 1985 figures indicate that there were 21 million Latinos con- stituting just under 10 percent of the U.S. population. The estimated 1989 populations of the largest Latino groups were 13 million Mexican Americans, 3 million Puerto Ricans, 1 million Cuban Americans, and 4 million other Latin Ameri- can immigrants and their descendants. In recent decades, the influx of immigrants has sharply increased the total Latino population, so that 12 percent of Mexicans, for example, are first-generation immigrants. The immigration and settlement experiences of Latinos have varied from one group to another and also over time within groups. At the beginning of this century, Mexican immigrants were largely a rural, migrant worker population who joined a settled population that pre- dated the 1846-1848 Mexican-American War by 250 years. Since the 1950s, however, Mexican Americans have become about 90 percent urban, concentrated in California and Texas. Among Puerto Ricans and Cubans, in contrast, initial migration was primarily to the urban areas, with the major Puerto Rican immigration beginning between the two world wars and Cubans mostly arriving after the 1959 Cuban Revo- lution. Central Americans, primarily settling in California and Houston, have arrived after the social upheavals of the 1970s and 1980s in their countries. Linguistic Affiliation. Spanish is the national language of each of the nations from which Latinos emigrated and in which their cultures developed. The Spanish spoken by American Latinos, however, has been transformed by the cul- tural changes, mixtures and attitudes, and other local and historical accidents and syncretisms that marked conditions in the New World. Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, and other national language habits and customs differ; features of American Indian and African languages, for just one exam- ple, have variously influenced each of them. Many regional and urban/rural linguistic contrasts exist within each of the groups. With exposure and integration into American soci- ety, however, many Latinos' Spanish-speaking abilities and styles have been "Anglicized" (been affected by the English language), and many even forswore the use of Spanish to speak English, especially Latinos raised primarily in the United States. Language usage is an important component of Latino ethnic identity. Certain Latino populations, especially recent immigrants and those of high social status, derive much pride from their ability to speak fluent Spanish. Where Spanish usage is expected, some enjoy the opportunity to demonstrate their bilingual flair. For both social and political (as well as aesthetic and practical) reasons, proficiency in Spanish has become a key component in an emerging ethnic "manage- ment" style, particularly in the border areas or where Latinos are heavily concentrated such as in Los Angeles (Mexicans and Central Americans), New York (Puerto Ricans and Do- minicans), and Miami (Cubans). Speaking Spanish has also resulted at times in negative personal and group experiences, for it has been used by outsiders to stigmatize many people because they are different. History and Cultural Relations Mexicans can trace their roots to settlements in what is now the southwestern United States as early as 1598; this area was once the northern reaches of Mexico proper and was colo- nized before the settlement of New England by people from Europe. The region was prospering when Anglo-Americans began arriving in the early nineteenth century, setting in mo- tion events that led to the Mexican-American War of 1846- 1848. In the aftermath of the war, relations between Anglo- Americans and Mexicans were often characterized by culture conflict and intercultural hostility. With increased immigra- tion in the wake of the 1910 Mexican Revolution, the Mexi- can population burgeoned in all previously established settle- ments, a process that has continued to this day. Puerto Ricans and Cubans became associated with the United States as a result of the 1898 Spanish-American War. Puerto Rico became a territory of the United States and now has limited sovereignty within its commonwealth status. A migrant stream, increasing considerably after World War II, connected Puerto Ricans with the city of New York and brought the eastern seaboard its first large Latino population. Like Mexicans, Puerto Ricans have had a problematic rela- tionship with Anglo-Americans, in their case further aggra- vated by the issue of national independence versus common- wealth status, which has strained both intergroup and intragroup relations. Cubans immigrated to the United States in large numbers after the socialist revolution of 1959. The first waves were primarily from the upper-middle and upper classes and most immigrants were people of European racial backgrounds; the second wave began in 1980 and in- volved mostly poorer, darker-hued "Marielitos," including many expelled from Cuban prisons. American foreign policy and actions have been affected by events in Cuba, especially the rise of anticommunism. Large-scale immigration from the Dominican Republic occurred in the early 1960s. Central Americans, mostly from Guatemala, Nicaragua, and El Salvador, made their entrance in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Coupled with the changes brought by Cuban events, the radical upheavals in Central America have tended to generate even more anticommunist fears. Political and economic refugees from these nations have accounted for a substantial proportion of recent immi- gration to the United States. American military conquests in the nineteenth century made Mexican residents of the southwest and Puerto Ricans on their island subjugated peoples. For subsequent migrants from Mexico and Puerto Rico, this intensified the scorn and discrimination that has been the traditional lot of poor immi- grant populations in the United States. Cuban immigrants were initially comparatively well-off economically, especially 204 Latinos because of federal government subsidies for refugee resettle- ment, which ameliorated economic problems for them. In all instances, however, the dynamic processes of immigration and adaptation have affected all groups in the direction of as- similation and acculturation. Latinos' relations with other ra- cial minorities have been less antagonistic than with Anglo- Americans, although not tension-free, largely because Latinos and other minorities internalize Anglo-American stereotypes of each other. Civil rights measures and changing public attitudes over the last twenty-five years have substan- tially reduced these interethnic problems, but tensions re- main, especially with regard to language and immigration issues. Settlements Initially, Mexicans established missions and small rancherias (hamlets) in what is now the Southwest; in California, a mission-pueblo-presidio structure ordered religious, civil, and military life for both American Indians as well as the Spanish/ Mexican newcomers. In the twentieth century, immigration enlarged some of these locales, but more often new settle- ments were established near work sites such as ranches, mines, railroad tracks, cash crop fields, and light industries. The railroad network helped create a migrant stream to the Midwest to Chicago and other industrial cities. The word bar- rio (neighborhood) came to be associated with these settle- ments in both rural and urban regions. Since the end of World War II, the Latino population has become increasingly urban, a trend that continues today, though pockets of tradi- tional culture still exist, especially in areas such as New Mex- ico and south Texas. Puerto Ricans have established their own barrios in the eastern and midwestern cities. World War 1I was a watershed period as it created a demand for more workers and soldiers, and Puerto Rican communities ex- panded as a result. A unique arrangement facilitating travel between the mainland and island has tended to strengthen Puerto Rican culture and community. Arriving much later than the other Latino groups, Cubans and Central Ameri- cans have settled mainly in cities. Cubans, in fact, have achieved major economic and political influence in Miami, Florida. The U.S. government attempted to widely disperse the recent Marielitos wave, but in time even these immigrants gravitated to established Cuban enclaves. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Small pockets of Mexican Americans who trace their heritage to the early centuries have maintained their self-sufficient ranches and farmlands, but the majority earn wages as mine, farm, rail- road, construction, and light industry laborers. Puerto Ricans have filled the garment district and light industry jobs of the cities. Cubans arrived with some money but, more important, with skills and training and have had much success in various business enterprises and professions. In recent decades there has been a slight increase in employment in white-collar serv- ice and professional occupations, but Latinos generally lag behind the Anglo population in employment in these sectors. A large agricultural migrant-worker population exists in states such as California, Texas, and Florida. Mexican Amer- icans were a major force in the unionization effort by farm workers in California. Latino foods vary and reflect the syncretic Spanish/ Indian/African mixture noted above, but beans, rice, and var- ious stews prepared with pork, beef, and seafood are found in all groups. Chilies are also widely used in Latino cuisines. Corn products are of particular importance in Mexican and Mexican American culture (although bread and wheat flour tortillas have replaced corn tortillas on many Mexican Ameri- can tables). Cubans and Puerto Ricans, as islanders, gener- ally favor various seafood dishes characterized by Latino methods of preparation and spices. Industrial Arts. The original settlements in New Mexico produced excellent wood carving, weaving, jewelry, and other artistic traditions. Today, this Latino bent is found among auto paint-and-body, upholstery, and seamstress crafts- people. Trade. Barrios have shopping centers and stores that cater to the tastes of the local population, and some of these dis- tricts have become ethnic centers for social, cultural, and po- litical activities. Latinos also use many of the malls that dot urban and suburban regions. Small family-operated stores are common among Latino entrepreneurs, and some have grown into multimillion-dollar enterprises. The Cuban American community has become a major economic force in the Miami area. Division of Labor. A shift from low-skilled to skilled blue- collar jobs has emerged as an important trend, as has the in- crease of two-wage-earner households with many women now having the dual roles of breadwinner and breadmaker. Al- though the middle class has grown, with many professionals and educated people, especially among Cuban Americans, there are still relatively few Latinos of middle- or upper-class status. Because of traditional beliefs and the Spanish colonial influence, there has been particular strain involving changing gender relations and traditionally defined status in Latino communities. Many women have moved out of traditional fe- male roles, and some men have found it very difficult to ad- just to this change. Similarly, status distinctions based on the traditional "patron-peon" arrangements are slowly disappear- ing in an open, class-structured society. Land Tenure. Since the late nineteenth century, most of the extensive land holdings owned by Mexican Americans has been lost to Anglo-Americans. The few pockets that re- main are in rural areas such as New Mexico. As recently as 1966, attempts to raise public attention to the corrupt way in which these lands were acquired have failed. Nevertheless, Chicano (an ethnic name for Mexicans in the United States) activists still offer reminders of the abrogation of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo of 1848, which ended the Mexican- American War with assurances that land rights would be re- spected. Puerto Ricans have largely retained ownership of both large and small farms in Puerto Rico, but are predomi- nantly renters in their urban U.S. communities. Cuban Americans, in contrast, are rapidly purchasing large blocs of real estate in Miami. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Family life is important to Latinos, especially extended kin networks, even though An- glo-American influences have altered traditional patterns. Family interests are valued over individual well-being. A syn- Latinos 205 cretic mixture of indigenous and Catholic religious beliefs and practices undergirds this sense of familism. Although somewhat revamped in the United States, the compadrazgo (co-parenthood) institution of Latin America is widely prac- ticed in baptisms, where godmothers and godfathers become comadres and compadres of the baptized child's parents. De- scent is bilateral with a strong emphasis on patriarchy in how the family sets standards for status, respect, and authority. Generally, a sex and age hierarchy prevails, and often elder kin, especially grandparents, are vested with complete author- ity in family affairs; they sometimes take over primary care of grandchildren when parents falter. There are some intragroup Latino differences in family structure that stem from time, place, and history. For example, female-headed households are more common among Puerto Ricans; Mexican Americans have larger families on average, and Cuban Americans tend to have the smallest families. Mexican Americans in rural en- claves in south Texas and New Mexico generally embrace tra- ditional family practices and beliefs, such as are found in Mexico proper. Marriage and Family Marriage. Each person is allowed to seek his or her own mate, but traditionally the elder family members keep close watch to make sure that the choice is an appropriate one. The average age of marriage has increased lately, but typically it is lower than the overall average in the United States. Separate Latino groups have their own marriage customs, but even with American innovations, the wedding and celebrations are large, well-attended, often catered affairs hosted by the bride's family. Postmarital residence is almost always neo- local, although financial necessity allows for temporary living arrangements with either the bride's or the groom's parents. American-born Latinos who are upwardly socially mobile tend to intermarry more with Anglos, and exogamous mar- riage is slightly more common among Latinas of a higher status. Domestic Unit. Modernization and Americanization, of course, have changed Latino households. Nevertheless, the sense of obligation and responsibility that one owes to family elders and parents remains. This takes many forms, but em- phasizes affording them respect and caring for them until death. Machismo, or manliness, is among the traits associ- ated with the patriarchy complex, and male-female relations are often conditioned by the public assertion of male control, especially the positive qualities of providing care and protec- tion for one's home and family. These practices are tempered somewhat by Marian Catholic ideology which places females, especially mothers and wives, in an exalted position. Inheritance. Land and property is usually transferred to the eldest son, although senior females also have rights. Most traditional practices in the area, however, have given way to American practices. Socialization. Social class differences account for consid- erable variation among the Latino groups in their approaches to child rearing. But beliefs in personal honor, respect for the aged, and proper courtship behavior are still stressed by many people in all groups. The bulk of the population follows work- ing-class practices, and new immigrants attempt to continue native ways. Social and economic pressures on family life, however, have weakened parental control in many communi- ties, with juvenile and adolescent street peers taking on many tasks of socialization. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. There are a small number of well- to-do Latinos, with Cuban Americans disproportionately represented among them. The number of Latino entrepre- neurs and professionals in the middle class is also relatively small, but increasing. The majority of the population is di- vided almost equally between American-born, working-class families and immigrant families headed by low-skilled and unskilled workers. "Mestizaje," the mixing and amalgamation of Spanish, Indian, and African racial groups, was widespread in various places in Latin America. Terms like mestizo, mulatto, cholo, moreno, and castizo were originally created to categorize the subtle differences in the "hybrid" population mixes. Thus, there is a wide spectrum of racial appearance reflected within the Latino communities. Historically, such diversity has cre- ated considerable strain and conflict. As racial appearance and racial attitudes became increasingly important in inter- personal relations, people were made to feel different on the basis of their racial appearance. A kind of "pigmentocracy" was established throughout much of Latin America to shape people's attitudes-about others and, even more important, about themselves. Feelings of inferiority and superiority were implanted in people's heads and these feelings helped deter- mine the extent to which they would have a common heritage and shared experiences. Political Organization. Latinos vary widely in their access to and inclination toward participation in the political proc- ess in the United States. Undocumented and documented aliens-who are unable to vote-are limited to publicizing their concerns. Many avoid even these activities out of fear of deportation. Recent immigrants often follow political devel- opments in their homelands more closely than those of the United States. Latinos are sharply underrepresented in fed- eral, state, and local governments despite the efforts of orga- nizations such as NALEO (National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials), which have attempted, with some success, to unite all Latinos and especially to find common ground for political lobbying. Latinos are also pro- foundly divided in political orientations. Cuban Americans are largely drawn to conservative causes, especially on foreign affairs issues. A majority of Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans align themselves with the Democratic party, but the issues that concern them in part reflect their regional differ- ences. Two political positions that Latinos largely support are improved, less punitive immigration legislation and increased support for bilingual education programs. Social Control and Conflict. Traditional familial con- straints and respect for authority and, of course, the local, state, and federal legal systems operate to maintain social order. But there is still a residue of instability and uncertainty remaining from the past and especially from the negative side effects of immigration. Racial diversity has contributed to continuing social conflict, and frictions with major social control institutions, such as schools and police, have also persisted. 206 Latinos Local, regional, and sometimes national efforts to resist and change discriminatory practices are common occur- rences. The Latino social movements of the 1960s, however, have resulted in continued improvements in such areas as bi- lingual education, increased hiring in public jobs, and a rise of public interest in Latino issues. The wars of the past con- tinue to affect Latino-Anglo relations in the United States: Mexican Americans deplore violations of the Treaty of Gua- dalupe Hidalgo; many Puerto Ricans aspire to statehood or independence; Cubans, because of its recency, talk of recap- turing the 'revolution"; and Central Americans lament the contemporary wars from which many are refugees. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. As with the Spanish language, Roman Catholicism dominates throughout Latin America, but varies in form and practice from country to country and region to re- gion, owing largely to syncretic mixing with other religious traditions. Latinos in the United States also display this vari- ation, with patron saints, special days of observance, and ritu- als of baptism, marriage, and death varying among different Catholic Latino groups. For example, the Virgin of Guadalupe, a brown-appearing icon associated with the Indian-Mestizo segment of the population in Mexico, is of lit- tle interest among Cuban Americans and Puerto Ricans, and santeria (worship of African gods clothed in Catholic dogma) beliefs and practices in those groups are far less common among Mexican Americans. Although most Latinos adhere to the Catholic church, evangelical Protestantism has gained many followers in recent decades. Arts. Folk art traditions in murals, woodwork, music, oral lore, and pottery, as well as modem stylized forms reinter- preting these traditions, characterize a rich artistic cultural el- ement. Afro-Cuban and Puerto Rican percussion instru- ments and rhythms have effected a new American salsa style of music. Recently an increase in Latino American plays, the- ater, and cinema has brought a new awareness to the popula- tion; particularly important are the sociopolitical content of these works, such as demonstrated by the early Teatro Cam- pesino (Peasant Theater) "actos" (politically charged skits) during the United Farm Worker movement in California. Medicine. Traditional folk practices continue to vie with Western medicine in many Latino communities, although most Latinos seek medical help for serious injuries or acute illness. Still, one can readily find curanderos (folk healers) who offer old indigenous and syncretized herbal and physical remedies for virtually any ailment. Death and Afterlife. Latinos generally subscribe to Chris- tian beliefs of an afterlife in which one is rewarded or pun- ished for having led a good or evil life. The significance of death and afterlife is symbolized most clearly in Mexican American celebrations of El Dia de Los Muertos (literally 'Day of the Dead," but known as All Saints' Day in English), which feature masks, dolls, and cakes adorned with figures of skulls and skeletons. Funeral rites vary as other syncretized re- ligious ceremonies do among Latinos, but typically include large gatherings of real and fictive kin. Bibliography Bordas, G., and M. Tienda, eds. (1985). Hispanics in the U.S. Economy. New York: Academic Press. Boswell, Thomas D., and James R. Curtis (1984). The Cuban-American Experience. Totowa, N.J.: Rowan & Allanheld. Hendricks, Glenn L. (1974). The Dominican Diaspora: From the Dominican Republic to New York-Villagers in Transition. New York: Teachers College Press. Moore, Joan W., and Harry Pachon (1985). Hispanics in the United States. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Padilla, Felix (1987). Puerto Rican Chicago. South Bend, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press. Rodriquez, Clara (1989). Puerto Ricans: Born in the U.S.A. Boston: Unwin Hyman. Vigil, James Diego (1984). From Indians to Chicanos: The Dy- namics of Mexican American Culture. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press. JAMES DIEGO VIGIL Lillooet ETHNONYMS: Chin Nation, Lilowat, Lil'wat The Lillooet were one of the four principal tribes in the interior plateau of British Columbia. They are sometimes re- ferred to as the Lower Lillooet, including the Douglas and Pembroke Meadows bands, and the Upper Lillooet, including all other bands. They occupied the southwestern part of the province in the basin of the Lillooet River, the upper part of Harrison Lake, and environs. In the early 1900s there were thirteen bands, with the number reduced to ten today. There were many villages, each governed by a hereditary band chief. Today there are about twenty-five hundred Lillooet living on reserves in their tradi tional territory and in nearby cities. The Lillooet speak an In- terior Salishan language related to the languages of the Okanagon, Shuswap, and Thompson Indians. Lillooet culture displayed many features typical of Northwest Coast groups: the potlatch, clan names, mythol- ogy, prestige afforded the wealthy and generous, and totem poles in some areas. They had several types of dwellings- long plank houses, winter earthlodges, and summer bark- or mat-covered lodges. Salmon and other fish were the basis of the economy, and numerous animals (bear, sheep, caribou, deer, and small mammals) were hunted and trapped, and ber- ries and fruit were gathered. Warfare with other groups was unusual, with intensive intertribal trade the more typical state Lipan Apache 207 of affairs. The guardian spirit vision quest was important, as was a long training period for adolescents in preparation for adulthood. Bibliography Stryd, Arnoud H., ed. (1978). Reports of the Lillooet Archaeo- logical Project. Number 1. Introduction and Setting. National Museum of Man, Mercury Series, Archaeological Survey of Canada, Paper 73. Ottawa. Teit, James A. (1906). The Lillooet Indians. American Mu- seum of Natural History, Memoir no. 4, 193-300. Teit, James A. (1912). "Traditions of the Lillooet." Journal of American Folklore 25:287-371. Lipan Apache ETHNONYMS: Chipayne, Flechas de Palo Apaches, Hipandis, Ipande, Lipane, Lipianis, Lipyane, Lypanes, Ypande Orientation Identification. The Lipan Apache had ceased to exist as a separate tribe by 1905, when the last of them moved to the Mescalero Apache Indian Reservation in south-central New Mexico. Anthropological fieldwork with Eastern Apache did not begin until Morris Opler's work in the 1930s, by which time the Lipan were virtually extinct. See the entry on the Mescalero Apache for all contemporary information. The following is a brief historical sketch reconstructed from ar- chival documents and secondary sources. Usually, the name "Lipan" is said to have come from the name of a grand chief- tain with a version of the suffix -nd6, "The People," ap- pended. Archival documents, however, lead to an equally plausible explanation, since early mention (eighteenth cen- tury) of Lipans is often spelled with one of the variations of "Lipiyane." Liti is the Apachean word for "horse," and ' iyane is the word for "bison"; thus, their name could well have re- ferred to their primary subsistence pattern: that of following bison herds on horseback. Location. In the early eighteenth century, Lipan Apache were in central and western Texas, from approximately the Trinity River (east of present-day Waco, Texas) westward to the Pecos River, where they joined their Mescalero Apache "cousins." They were reported as far north as the Canadian River in the Texas Panhandle and as far south as the San- tander area of Mexico. Most reports of Lipan place them ei- ther in the vicinity of bison herds or occupying river bottom lands. Like most Apachean groups, they roamed over vast areas, but always they were reported in desert or coastal plains sites rather than in mountains, as were some other Apache groups. In general they lived in very warm to hot climates; night in desert areas, however, is usually cool and can be cold in the winter. linguistic Affiliation. Lipan Apache, still spoken by per- haps two dozen or so people on the Mescalero Apache Indian Reservation, is a Southern Athapaskan language. As such it can be understood by speakers of other Apachean languages, although most of them maintain that Lipan speakers speak more slowly and with broader vowels than do speakers of other Apachean languages. The Southern Athapaskan lan- guages are related to other Athapaskan languages spoken on the north coast of California and in the Pacific Northwest, and through parts of northern Canada and Alaska. Despite attempts to record Lipan Apache, it remains largely unknown in a scholarly sense. The contemporary speakers are adamant that it not be recorded or written, believing that if the lan- guage is meant to survive them, then it will do so, but that it is inappropriate for people to interfere with a process directed by the Creator. Demography. Currently numbered with the Mescalero and Chiricahua, it is difficult to obtain precise numbers of Lipan. A reasonable estimate is that there are fewer than fifty people alive today claiming Lipan ancestry as their primary ethnicity. At their height, they probably numbered no more than five thousand, divided into about a dozen bands. History and Cultural Relations As with the other Apache groups, the Lipan were engaged in a protracted struggle over land use and settlement patterns with the Spanish, Mexican, and U.S. governments from the first mention of them in the early 1700s to their virtual ex- tinction in 1905. Prior to the 1700s there was a plethora of names used for the Apachean people of eastern New Mexico, western Texas, and the Panhandle; it is likely, although not definitively demonstrated, that some of these (Trementina, Limita) were later called "Lipan." Unlike most Apache, the Lipan were missionized in the 1700s in the northeastern reaches of the Spanish empire, in the areas of Eagle Pass and San Antonio, Texas. The missionization effort cannot be termed a success, for the missions were poorly supplied and their inhabitants often left to pursue subsistence activities only to return when supplies were again available in the mis- sions. For the most part, the Lipan were at war with the invad- ers until there were no longer enough of them left to fight. Settlements and Economy The Lipan were the most sedentary of the Apachean groups, for they planted crops, especially maize. The Spanish de- scribed them as living in rancherias, but also as living off bison. It appears that there were semipermanent dwellings of wickiups near fields during sowing and harvesting, and porta- ble tipi dwellings used when following bison herds. They were probably transhumant, although this is an inference from documentary evidence rather than a generally accepted fact. In addition to reliance upon bison and maize, the Lipan Apache also gathered wild foods, especially varieties of cacti and agave. By the late eighteenth century, after generations of war with the Spanish and after acquiring the horse, the Lipan seem to have forsaken agriculture in favor of raiding; they maintained their bison protein resource, however. 208 Lipan Apache Social Organization Lipan were matrilineal and maintained close associations with their matrilaterally extended relatives. A household unit was usually composed of a woman and her husband or con- sort and her children; often unmarried sisters and brothers of the woman or her matrilineal relatives in the ascending gene- ration were also present. Unmarried grandchildren might be a part of the household, too. Band membership seems to have followed matrilineal and matrilateral principles as well. But though women ruled in the family, men were in charge of the band. Religion and Expressive Culture The Lipan are usually credited with introducing peyotism into Native North America. Despite the paucity of Lipan in- formation, Opler managed to collect their mythology. Bibliography Opler, Morris E. (1940). Myths and Legends of the Lipan Apache Indians. Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, vol. 36. New York. Tunnell, Curtis D., and W. W. Newcomb, Jr. (1969). A Lipan Apache Mission: San Lorenzo de la Santa Cruz, 1762-1771. Texas Memorial Museum, Bulletin no. 14. Austin. CLAIRE FARRER Luisen-o reservations. Despite the depopulation, external influences, and resettlement on reservations, much of the traditional cul- ture regarding religion and expressive culture has survived. Luisefio society was composed of localized village groups, each of which exploited food resources in their territory, though they also traveled to find food elsewhere. A semisub- terranean earthlodge was the typical village dwelling. The subsistence economy was based on gathering of acorns and other seeds, collecting greens, hunting small game and marine mammals, fishing, and digging roots and bulbs. The subsistence territory was owned and protected by the vil- lage group. Today, many Luisefio work in semiskilled and skilled occupations, with their wages supplemented by occa- sional participation in traditional subsistence activities. Traditional kinship rules and practices disappeared rap- idly under Spanish influence before they could be described. Evidently, each village group was a patrilineal clan group, with arranged village-exogamous marriage preferred as a means of affording villages access to other subsistence terri- tories. Both boys and girls underwent elaborate initiation cer- emonies, suggesting the central economic contributions made by both sexes. Each village group was governed by a hereditary chief who exercised religious, political, and warfare authority, an assistant chief, and a village council. The political structure may have been more elaborate in the larger villages located on or near the Pacific coast. Warfare was often the result of boundary disputes between villages. Today, reservation deci- sions are made by the entire adult population on the reserva- tion, although many Luisefio serve on the boards of various local, reservation, regional, and state organizations. Elaborate ceremonies led by paid ritual specialists from other villages and involving dramatic recitations, feasting, and distribution of goods were a central feature of Luisefio life. Sixteen ceremonies have been reported, including those for initiation, hunting, fertility, death, marriage, conception, and peace. Some of these rites are still celebrated in addition to Catholic holidays. ETHNONYM: Juanefio The Luisefio and Juanefio, who culturally and linguisti- cally are one group, are an American Indian group located in southern California. The Luisefio were associated with Mis- sion San Luis Rey and the Juanefio with Mission San Juan Capistrano, from which the two groups take their respective names. Neither group evidently had a distinct name for them- selves in precontact times. The precontact population, esti- mated as high as ten thousand, decreased to about seven hundred in 1940 and had increased to about two thousand in the 1980s. The Luisefio language is classified in the Takic subfamily of the Uto-Aztecan language family. An active ef- fort is being made to maintain the language. A distinct Luisefio culture has been traced back archaeo- logically to about AD. 1400. Neighboring groups were the Gabrielino and Serrano to the north, Cahuilla to the east, and Ipai and Cupefio to the south. Following the establish- ment of Mission San Juan Capistrano in 1776 and Mission San Luis Rey in 1798, much of the traditional culture was re- placed by Spanish, then Mexican, and, beginning in the 1850s, European-American culture. Following years of in- consistent federal policy, most Luisefio today live on or near La Jolla, Rincon, Pauma, Pechanga, Pala, and Soboba Indian Bibliography Bean, Lowell John, and Florence C. Shipek (1978). 'Luisefio." In Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 8, California, edited by Robert F. Heizer, 550-563. Washing- ton, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. Shipek, Florence C. (1985). "California Indian Reactions to the Franciscans." Americas 41:480-492. Lumbee ETHNONYMS: Cherokees, Croatans, Indians of Robeson County, Scuffletonians The Lumbee are English-speaking descendants of the remnants of various Native American groups who now live . in the eastern and midwestern cities. World War 1I was a watershed period as it created a demand for more workers and soldiers, and Puerto Rican communities ex- panded as a result. A unique arrangement facilitating travel between the mainland and island has tended to strengthen Puerto Rican culture and community. Arriving much later than the other Latino groups, Cubans and Central Ameri- cans have settled mainly in cities. Cubans, in fact, have achieved major economic and political influence in Miami, Florida. The U.S. government attempted to widely disperse the recent Marielitos wave, but in time even these immigrants gravitated to established Cuban enclaves. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Small pockets of Mexican Americans who trace their heritage to the early centuries have maintained their self-sufficient ranches and farmlands, but the majority earn wages as mine, farm, rail- road, construction, and light industry laborers. Puerto Ricans have filled the garment district and light industry jobs of the cities. Cubans arrived with some money but, more important, with skills and training and have had much success in various business enterprises and professions. In recent decades there has been a slight increase in employment in white-collar serv- ice and professional occupations, but Latinos generally lag behind the Anglo population in employment in these sectors. A large agricultural migrant-worker population exists in states such as California, Texas, and Florida. Mexican Amer- icans were a major force in the unionization effort by farm workers in California. Latino foods vary and reflect the syncretic Spanish/ Indian/African mixture noted above, but beans, rice, and var- ious stews prepared with pork, beef, and seafood are found in all groups. Chilies are also widely used in Latino cuisines. Corn products are of particular importance in Mexican and Mexican American culture (although bread and wheat flour tortillas have replaced corn tortillas on many Mexican Ameri- can tables). Cubans and Puerto Ricans, as islanders, gener- ally favor various seafood dishes characterized by Latino methods of preparation and spices. Industrial Arts. The original settlements in New Mexico produced excellent wood carving, weaving, jewelry, and other artistic traditions. Today, this Latino bent is found among auto paint-and-body, upholstery, and seamstress crafts- people. Trade. Barrios have shopping centers and stores that cater to the tastes of the local population, and some of these dis- tricts have become ethnic centers for social, cultural, and po- litical activities. Latinos also use many of the malls that dot urban and suburban regions. Small family-operated stores are common among Latino entrepreneurs, and some have grown into multimillion-dollar enterprises. The Cuban American community has become a major economic force in the Miami area. Division of Labor. A shift from low-skilled to skilled blue- collar jobs has emerged as an important trend, as has the in- crease of two-wage-earner households with many women now having the dual roles of breadwinner and breadmaker. Al- though the middle class has grown, with many professionals and educated people, especially among Cuban Americans, there are still relatively few Latinos of middle- or upper-class status. Because of traditional beliefs and the Spanish colonial influence, there has been particular strain involving changing gender relations and traditionally defined status in Latino communities. Many women have moved out of traditional fe- male roles, and some men have found it very difficult to ad- just to this change. Similarly, status distinctions based on the traditional "patron-peon" arrangements are slowly disappear- ing in an open, class-structured society. Land Tenure. Since the late nineteenth century, most of the extensive land holdings owned by Mexican Americans has been lost to Anglo-Americans. The few pockets that re- main are in rural areas such as New Mexico. As recently as 1966, attempts to raise public attention to the corrupt way in which these lands were acquired have failed. Nevertheless, Chicano (an ethnic name for Mexicans in the United States) activists still offer reminders of the abrogation of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo of 1848, which ended the Mexican- American War with assurances that land rights would be re- spected. Puerto Ricans have largely retained ownership of both large and small farms in Puerto Rico, but are predomi- nantly renters in their urban U.S. communities. Cuban Americans, in contrast, are rapidly purchasing large blocs of real estate in Miami. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Family life is important to Latinos, especially extended kin networks, even though An- glo-American influences have altered traditional patterns. Family interests are valued over individual well-being. A syn- Latinos 205 cretic mixture of indigenous and Catholic religious beliefs and practices undergirds this sense of familism. Although somewhat revamped in the United States, the compadrazgo (co-parenthood) institution of Latin America is widely prac- ticed in baptisms, where godmothers and godfathers become comadres and compadres of the baptized child's parents. De- scent is bilateral with a strong emphasis on patriarchy in how the family sets standards for status, respect, and authority. Generally, a. in the eastern and midwestern cities. World War 1I was a watershed period as it created a demand for more workers and soldiers, and Puerto Rican communities ex- panded as a result. A unique arrangement facilitating travel between the mainland and island has tended to strengthen Puerto Rican culture and community. Arriving much later than the other Latino groups, Cubans and Central Ameri- cans have settled mainly in cities. Cubans, in fact, have achieved major economic and political influence in Miami, Florida. The U.S. government attempted to widely disperse the recent Marielitos wave, but in time even these immigrants gravitated to established Cuban enclaves. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Small pockets of Mexican Americans who trace their heritage to the early centuries have maintained their self-sufficient ranches and farmlands, but the majority earn wages as mine, farm, rail- road, construction, and light industry laborers. Puerto Ricans have filled the garment district and light industry jobs of the cities. Cubans arrived with some money but, more important, with skills and training and have had much success in various business enterprises and professions. In recent decades there has been a slight increase in employment in white-collar serv- ice and professional occupations, but Latinos generally lag behind the Anglo population in employment in these sectors. A large agricultural migrant-worker population exists in states such as California, Texas, and Florida. Mexican Amer- icans were a major force in the unionization effort by farm workers in California. Latino foods vary and reflect the syncretic Spanish/ Indian/African mixture noted above, but beans, rice, and var- ious stews prepared with pork, beef, and seafood are found in all groups. Chilies are also widely used in Latino cuisines. Corn products are of particular importance in Mexican and Mexican American culture (although bread and wheat flour tortillas have replaced corn tortillas on many Mexican Ameri- can tables). Cubans and Puerto Ricans, as islanders, gener- ally favor various seafood dishes characterized by Latino methods of preparation and spices. Industrial Arts. The original settlements in New Mexico produced excellent wood carving, weaving, jewelry, and other artistic traditions. Today, this Latino bent is found among auto paint-and-body, upholstery, and seamstress crafts- people. Trade. Barrios have shopping centers and stores that cater to the tastes of the local population, and some of these dis- tricts have become ethnic centers for social, cultural, and po- litical activities. Latinos also use many of the malls that dot urban and suburban regions. Small family-operated stores are common among Latino entrepreneurs, and some have grown into multimillion-dollar enterprises. The Cuban American community has become a major economic force in the Miami area. Division of Labor. A shift from low-skilled to skilled blue- collar jobs has emerged as an important trend, as has the in- crease of two-wage-earner households with many women now having the dual roles of breadwinner and breadmaker. Al- though the middle class has grown, with many professionals and educated people, especially among Cuban Americans, there are still relatively few Latinos of middle- or upper-class status. Because of traditional beliefs and the Spanish colonial influence, there has been particular strain involving changing gender relations and traditionally defined status in Latino communities. Many women have moved out of traditional fe- male roles, and some men have found it very difficult to ad- just to this change. Similarly, status distinctions based on the traditional "patron-peon" arrangements are slowly disappear- ing in an open, class-structured society. Land Tenure. Since the late nineteenth century, most of the extensive land holdings owned by Mexican Americans has been lost to Anglo-Americans. The few pockets that re- main are in rural areas such as New Mexico. As recently as 1966, attempts to raise public attention to the corrupt way in which these lands were acquired have failed. Nevertheless, Chicano (an ethnic name for Mexicans in the United States) activists still offer reminders of the abrogation of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo of 1848, which ended the Mexican- American War with assurances that land rights would be re- spected. Puerto Ricans have largely retained ownership of both large and small farms in Puerto Rico, but are predomi- nantly renters in their urban U.S. communities. Cuban Americans, in contrast, are rapidly purchasing large blocs of real estate in Miami. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Family life is important to Latinos, especially extended kin networks, even though An- glo-American influences have altered traditional patterns. Family interests are valued over individual well-being. A syn- Latinos 205 cretic mixture of indigenous and Catholic religious beliefs and practices undergirds this sense of familism. Although somewhat revamped in the United States, the compadrazgo (co-parenthood) institution of Latin America is widely prac- ticed in baptisms, where godmothers and godfathers become comadres and compadres of the baptized child's parents. De- scent is bilateral with a strong emphasis on patriarchy in how the family sets standards for status, respect, and authority. Generally, a. to categorize the subtle differences in the "hybrid" population mixes. Thus, there is a wide spectrum of racial appearance reflected within the Latino communities. Historically, such diversity has cre- ated considerable strain and conflict. As racial appearance and racial attitudes became increasingly important in inter- personal relations, people were made to feel different on the basis of their racial appearance. A kind of "pigmentocracy" was established throughout much of Latin America to shape people's attitudes-about others and, even more important, about themselves. Feelings of inferiority and superiority were implanted in people's heads and these feelings helped deter- mine the extent to which they would have a common heritage and shared experiences. Political Organization. Latinos vary widely in their access to and inclination toward participation in the political proc- ess in the United States. Undocumented and documented aliens-who are unable to vote-are limited to publicizing their concerns. Many avoid even these activities out of fear of deportation. Recent immigrants often follow political devel- opments in their homelands more closely than those of the United States. Latinos are sharply underrepresented in fed- eral, state, and local governments despite the efforts of orga- nizations such as NALEO (National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials), which have attempted, with some success, to unite all Latinos and especially to find common ground for political lobbying. Latinos are also pro- foundly divided in political orientations. Cuban Americans are largely drawn to conservative causes, especially on foreign affairs issues. A majority of Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans align themselves with the Democratic party, but the issues that concern them in part reflect their regional differ- ences. Two political positions that Latinos largely support are improved, less punitive immigration legislation and increased support for bilingual education programs. Social Control and Conflict. Traditional familial con- straints and respect for authority and, of course, the local, state, and federal legal systems operate to maintain social order. But there is still a residue of instability and uncertainty remaining from the past and especially from the negative side effects of immigration. Racial diversity has contributed to continuing social conflict, and frictions with major social control institutions, such as schools and police, have also persisted. 206 Latinos Local, regional, and sometimes national efforts to resist and change discriminatory practices are common occur- rences. The Latino social movements of the 1960s, however, have resulted in continued improvements in such areas as bi- lingual education, increased hiring in public jobs, and a rise of public interest in Latino issues. The wars of the past con- tinue to affect Latino-Anglo relations in the United States: Mexican Americans deplore violations of the Treaty of Gua- dalupe Hidalgo; many Puerto Ricans aspire to statehood or independence; Cubans, because of its recency, talk of recap- turing the 'revolution"; and Central Americans lament the contemporary wars from which many are refugees. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. As with the Spanish language, Roman Catholicism dominates throughout Latin America, but varies in form and practice from country to country and region to re- gion, owing largely to syncretic mixing with other religious traditions. Latinos in the United States also display this vari- ation, with patron saints, special days of observance, and ritu- als of baptism, marriage, and death varying among different Catholic Latino groups. For example, the Virgin of Guadalupe, a brown-appearing icon associated with the Indian-Mestizo segment of the population in Mexico, is of lit- tle interest among Cuban Americans and Puerto Ricans, and santeria (worship of African gods clothed in Catholic dogma) beliefs and practices in those groups are far less common among Mexican Americans. Although most Latinos adhere to the Catholic church, evangelical Protestantism has gained many followers in recent decades. Arts. Folk art traditions in murals, woodwork, music, oral lore, and pottery, as well as modem stylized forms reinter- preting these traditions, characterize a rich artistic cultural el- ement. Afro-Cuban and Puerto Rican percussion instru- ments and rhythms have effected a new American salsa style of music. Recently an increase in Latino American plays, the- ater, and cinema has brought a new awareness to the popula- tion; particularly important are the sociopolitical content of these works, such as demonstrated by the early Teatro Cam- pesino (Peasant Theater) "actos" (politically charged skits) during the United Farm Worker movement in California. Medicine. Traditional folk practices continue to vie with Western medicine in many Latino communities, although most Latinos seek medical help for serious injuries or acute illness. Still, one can readily find curanderos (folk healers) who offer old indigenous and syncretized herbal and physical remedies for virtually any ailment. Death and Afterlife. Latinos generally subscribe to Chris- tian beliefs of an afterlife in which one is rewarded or pun- ished for having led a good or evil life. The significance of death and afterlife is symbolized most clearly in Mexican American celebrations of El Dia de Los Muertos (literally 'Day of the Dead," but known as All Saints' Day in English), which feature masks, dolls, and cakes adorned with figures of skulls and skeletons. Funeral rites vary as other syncretized re- ligious ceremonies do among Latinos, but typically include large gatherings of real and fictive kin. Bibliography Bordas, G., and M. Tienda, eds. (1985). Hispanics in the U.S. Economy. New York: Academic Press. Boswell, Thomas D., and James R. Curtis (1984). The Cuban-American Experience. Totowa, N.J.: Rowan & Allanheld. Hendricks, Glenn L. (1974). The Dominican Diaspora: From the Dominican Republic to New York-Villagers in Transition. New York: Teachers College Press. Moore, Joan W., and Harry Pachon (1985). Hispanics in the United States. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Padilla, Felix (1987). Puerto Rican Chicago. South Bend, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press. Rodriquez, Clara (1989). Puerto Ricans: Born in the U.S.A. Boston: Unwin Hyman. Vigil, James Diego (1984). From Indians to Chicanos: The Dy- namics of Mexican American Culture. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press. JAMES DIEGO VIGIL Lillooet ETHNONYMS: Chin Nation, Lilowat, Lil'wat The Lillooet were one of the four principal tribes in the interior plateau of British Columbia. They are sometimes re- ferred to as the Lower Lillooet, including the Douglas and Pembroke Meadows bands, and the Upper Lillooet, including all other bands. They occupied the southwestern part of