Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship FAMILY LIFE IN AN AGE OF MIGRATION AND MOBILITY Global Perspectives through the Life Course Edited by Majella Kilkey and Ewa Palenga-Möllenbeck Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship Series Editors Robin Cohen Department of International Development University of Oxford Oxford, UK Zig Layton-Henry Department of Politics and International Studies University of Warwick Kenilworth, UK Aims of the Series Editorial Board: Rainer Baubock, European University Institute, Italy; James F. Hollifield, Southern Methodist University, USA; Daniele Joly, University of Warwick, UK; Jan Rath, University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands The Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship series covers three important aspects of the migration process: firstly, the determinants, dynamics and characteristics of international migration Secondly, the continuing attachment of many contemporary migrants to their places of origin, signified by the word ‘diaspora’, and thirdly the attempt, by contrast, to belong and gain acceptance in places of settlement, signified by the word ‘citizenship’ The series publishes work that shows engagement with and a lively appreciation of the wider social and political issues that are influenced by international migration This series develops from our Migraton, Minorities and Citizenship series, which published leading figures in the field including Steven Vertovec, Daniele Joly, Adrian Favell, John Rex, Ewa Morawska and Jan Rath Details of publications in the series can be viewed here: www.palgrave.com/products/series.aspx?s=MMC More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/14044 Majella Kilkey • Ewa Palenga-Möllenbeck Editors Family Life in an Age of Migration and Mobility Global Perspectives through the Life Course Editors Majella Kilkey Department of Sociological Studies University of Sheffield Sheffield, UK Ewa Palenga-Möllenbeck Department of Gender Studies University of Frankfurt Frankfurt, Hessen, Germany ISBN 978-1-137-52097-5 ISBN 978-1-137-52099-9 DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-52099-9 (eBook) Library of Congress Control Number: 2016946833 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016 The author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identified as the author(s) of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 This work is subject to copyright All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made Cover image © Katja Piolka / Alamy Stock Photo Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Macmillan Publishers Ltd London Foreword In The Seventh Man, John Berger and Jean Mohr show an uncanny photograph of a man’s face ripped diagonally in half In the upper left, one sees a cap, ear, eye, and nose In the remaining right part, the other eye, ear, and mouth He is poorly shaved His shirt is worn, his identity unknown Many Turkish guest workers put themselves in the hands of dubious smugglers who were known to have abandoned migrants along treacherous mountainous journeys To guard against such danger, a family would tear the photograph of a migrant’s face in half, give half to the smuggler and await the receipt of the other half from the migrant himself—they were mostly men—safely arrived in France, a sign that the smuggler had been honest and should be paid The torn photograph is also a powerful metaphor for many of the kinds of separation—and reunion—described in this exciting new collection of original research-based essays We learn in one chapter of a ‘kind of wake’ held at a local pub in the 1890s when an Irish uncle boarded a boat for Australia But what is the experience of a lengthy separation today in the age of the cell phone and Skype? Does technology join the two sides of the photograph, or become part of the separation between them? What does the appearance on a screen of a face known to be far away mean for the nine-million Filipino children who live without one or both parents? How is it for the elderly parents of migrant brides who fly to join Korean bachelors? What v vi Foreword is the experience of Italian migrants in Norway, of Ghanaian workers in Holland, of Poles in Germany and Ukrainians in Poland? And what of elderly Swedes who become isolated, then trapped, in the beautiful coastal villages of Spain, and elderly Albanians who follow their children to Italy? What is the experience of the children of divorced parents frequently working at distant jobs, in different countries, who live with a caregiver hired to stay with them in a family home in Germany? The essays in this volume offer answers In doing so, they vastly expand the meaning of the term ‘work–family balance’ As it is often used, the term carries the image of a family seated at a common dinner table in a shared household, located in the same town, country and continent ‘Balance’ is imagined between an office job and an after-school pick-up But, for an increasing number of families around the world, that ‘balance’ is between phone calls and remittances to small children in the ‘Global South’ and a ten-hour job as a nanny to other small children in the ‘Global North’ Such new families also invite us to expand the concept of global care chains As the research of Rhacel Parreñas and others have shown, a Filipina nanny may care for the children of an Italian couple in Rome In turn, her children may be cared for by a local nanny hired by the migrant nanny’s mother or sister The long hours of work of that local nanny may require her to leave her own small children in the care of her parents back in the distant Filipina village, or in desperate circumstances, young children are left in the care of older ones This volume invites us to think of care in ecological terms For each act of care is part of a larger pattern of care Who, we ask, cares for those the caregiver is responsible for caring for? Who cares, if anyone, for the caregiver herself? Can we speak of fictive care—care which is imagined but which sadly does not actually transpire? Can we speak of invisible care—care which is real but unrecognized? What various forms care chains take, and at what points fiction and invisibility appear? Do care chains always extend from poor countries to rich ones? Does care diminish as we move down the economic ladder? When people don’t get to live the lives they wish to live, to what extent they develop an imagined ‘potential self ’—the self they would be if only they had time, if only they had money, if only they were in one place and not another? (Hochschild, 1997) Foreword vii This volume is important for its empirical richness, the ideas it generates and the questions it invites It is especially important attached as it is to a moral urgency that is likely to increase in light of two trends One is the increase in global inequality, which will enlarge the number of people in poor countries seeking a better life in richer ones The other is the increase in climate change, which is already forcing farmers from their parched plots, and exacerbating conflict and flight Based on such research, we can hopefully devise ways to rejoin the separated images of loved ones and so make a better world Department of Emeritus of Sociology University of California, Berkeley Berkeley, CA, USA Arlie Russell Hochschild In Commemoration of Sarah Van Walsum, 1955–2014 Sarah van Walsum was Professor of Migration Law and Family Ties at the VU University Amsterdam Her writings on migration law and the family and women and migration law were also influenced by other disciplines, such as sociology and political science Her creative and penetrating analysis was recognized in 2011 by the award of a prestigious Vici grant of 1.5 million euros over five years from the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research to chart the relationship between migration, nation and family with her own research group She argued that immigration law should be analyzed in relation to other fields of law, especially family law, as well as other fields of public policy As she outlined in an interview, Lady Justice is not Blind, given at the time of her inaugural lecture Intimate Strangers in June 2012, immigration law operates within a duality which can be compared to the representation of the world through two contrasting maps One is the traditional map divided into differently coloured and bounded states; the other, as in in-flight magazines, shows the aviation routes connecting different places across continents She stressed that neither map was to replace the other as a source of truth, but that the tensions between both representations of global connections and disconnections could be the source for alternative (legal) discourses ix 344 M Kilkey and E Palenga-Möllenbeck (Martin; Pande), how the more and the less privileged cope with their multi-local family lives (Madianou; Baldassar; Schier), how legal regulations privilege certain types of migrants as opposed to others, such as along the distinctions between European Union (EU) or non-EU citizens (Isaksen; Palenga-Möllenbeck and Lutz), between politically welcome migrants (such as the marriage migrants Kim and Kilkey write about) and less or downright unwelcome ones (such as the irregular migrants included in the Ghanaian and Filipino migrant populations examined respectively by Miranda Poeze and Valentina Mazzucato and Mirca Madianou) Finally, there is the interesting contrast between Swedish retirement migrants in Spain and the primarily economically motivated old-age migration of Albanians and Latvians who can hardly be described as being ‘retired’ All these examples show that it would be simplistic to describe the mobile as privileged and the immobile as underprivileged At best, that dichotomy can be applied to the case of surrogate mothers in India, whose state of being locked up and under strict surveillance in Indian fertility clinics while being visited by privileged reproductive ‘tourists’ emblematically reflects Bauman’s statement quoted above that ‘[b]eing local in a globalized world is a sign of social deprivation and degradation’ (1998: 2) But even in this extreme case, it could be argued that in fact the surrogate mothers have a ‘job’ that allows them to improve their economic situation significantly within their local frame of reference; without that job, they might feel the need to migrate themselves, reduced to the status of unwelcome ‘vagabonds’ The same chapter also complicates the dominant narrative on the patterning of inequalities involved in global reproductive tourism Although there can be no doubt that the division between the Global South and the Global North remains decisive, the two chapters on reproductive tourism, when considered collectively, also highlight the importance of stratification within those spaces: not only can affluent couples from the Global North afford to buy reproductive services, we also find Indian middle-class families ‘renting’ surrogate mothers in their own neighbourhood and less-privileged US citizens selling their ova to US clinics and then on to affluent couples from the Global South 15 Conclusions 345 Policy Considerations for Family Life in an Age of Migration and Mobility Consideration of the global mobility of the ‘one per cent’ that we began the volume with and that we returned to at the beginning of this concluding chapter tends towards the construction of the mobile as free and unfettered entities moving within unbounded or ‘deterritorialised’ spaces The chapters in this volume, however, revealed how family life, even when on the move, is materially and culturally situated in the ‘territorialised’ spaces of nations, regions and localities, which in the case of multi-local families may span more than one site (Baldassar 2008; Kilkey and Merla 2014; Ryan 2011) ‘Situating’ family life in this way brings into view the institutional or policy contexts within which family life is configured As the chapters revealed, those contexts are constituted in different levels and sites of governance, which, as a result of processes such as globalization and Europeanization, include supranational sites, such as the European Court of Justice and the International Labour Organisation, as well as the ‘territorialised’ sites of the national and sub-national An acknowledgement that institutional and policy arrangements matter does not mean that human agency is dismissed from the analysis; rather, as many of the chapters showed, it is that institutions and policies are part of the terrain that must be negotiated as people ‘do family’ As emphasized above and as a number of the chapters have highlighted, however, the capacity of individuals and families, for what Saskia Sassen (2010) calls micro-level ‘enactments’ in response to wider processes and structures, is not equal; a point we return to below Collectively, the chapters in this volume pointed to a broad range of policy areas that matter, including migration, welfare, labour, education, ICTs and new social media, transport, fertility, parental rights and adoption laws, and consideration of those highlights a number of common themes Firstly, some of the chapters revealed how policies are directly implicated in the very construction of mobile family practices This is the case for reproductive tourism, which as Martin argued in relation to the USA’s role as a destination country, results in part from the restrictive policy environments around access to reproductive technologies in most 346 M Kilkey and E Palenga-Möllenbeck countries; thus policies act to ‘push’ people to seek reproductive services elsewhere Policies—migration policies in particular—are also deeply implicated in the practice of doing family transnationally As was demonstrated so vividly in the chapters by Madianou, Poeze and Mazzucato, PalengaMöllenbeck and Lutz, and Degavre and Merla, many migrants not ‘choose’ to leave family members behind when they migrate, but are forced to because migration policies create barriers for families to migrate together This is especially the case for migrants moving from poorer countries to richer countries While migration policies vary significantly across rich nations, a common trend is to more tightly manage and control immigration flows The motives for this vary, too, but include a desire to restrict migration to only those persons seen as economically useful, a related desire to prevent ‘welfare dependency’ among immigrants and a desire to limit the long-term settlement of immigrants One result is that countries may permit the entry of a worker deemed instrumental to the economic needs of the country, but not allow (all) his or her dependants’ entry, or impose strict conditions on their entry which migrant workers find impossible to meet In such cases, migrants and their families have little or no choice but to live apart This is a crucial point: as long as the receiving societies can count on the fact that migrants from less affluent regions will be under permanent (physical or psychological) pressure to migrate to places where they are not welcome as people, but only as workers who are expected to move on as soon as they have done their duty—to use Bauman’s term, where they are looked down on as ‘vagabonds’—they (the receiving societies) may limit the migrants’ citizenship rights to a minimum To go even further, the receiving countries may limit the migrants’ citizenship rights (such as the right to family reunification) precisely in order to prevent them from overcoming their status as ‘vagabonds’ We will come back to this point below Secondly, in highlighting some of the difficulties encountered in situations where people live out family life across space, the chapters reveal much about the underlying assumptions of dominant policy frames governing family life in an age of migration and mobility Thus, the historical development of social and welfare policies involved processes and systems of emplacement designed to ‘fix’ people to a single place This assumption 15 Conclusions 347 of people as emplaced or sedentary is an enduring legacy in much policy design, even if localism and sedentarism are often conceived on the part of policy makers as a drag on individual socio-economic mobility and national competitiveness To the extent that international mobility is acknowledged, the assumption is that it is a one-off lifetime event and that the goal of those who move is settlement and assimilation Likewise, to the extent that mobility within the nation-state is acknowledged, the assumption is of families contained within a single household, and fixed at any one time to a single place As a result of such assumptions, people doing family across space often experience frictions Thirdly and finally is the role of policies themselves in contributing to the inequalities experienced between families in their capacity to ease those frictions Migration policies in particular play a critical role here as well While physical controls at borders and internally, and related practices such as detention, expulsion and deportation remain important tools in states’ approaches to migration management, a further key instrument they have come to adopt operates through allocating differential rights to different categories of migrants in terms of entry, residence, labour market access and social/welfare entitlements This has resulted in a hierarchy of stratified rights among migrants—what Morris (2002) refers to as ‘civic stratification’—whose particular positioning within which is a critical factor shaping their life experiences Apparent from a number of the chapters included in this volume is that embedded within patterns of civic stratification is also a hierarchy of family-related rights, concerning, for example, the treatment of dependants Thus, migration policies also produce systems of what Kraler (2010) terms ‘stratified reproduction’, which ‘constrain what the migrant family can and the opportunities it has to reshape and reconstitute itself and maintain links with its broader kin across national boundaries’ (Kofman et al 2011: 14) As indicated above, policymakers in the receiving countries can afford to constrain migration in this way because they can take for granted the fact that migrants will feel compelled to come anyway Thus, as counter-intuitive as it may seem at first, a key lesson to be learnt from the various ‘stories’ told in this book is that the political right to be mobile is often a mixed blessing, because it is often felt to be intrinsically connected with an obligation to be mobile Increasingly often, the 348 M Kilkey and E Palenga-Möllenbeck conscious decision to lead a non-mobile life turns out to be a privilege that is made possible only by the fact that others are less free ‘to choose where to be’: they may be able to choose from a variety of places to be—but the list is one that conspicuously excludes ‘home’ Back in the 1990s, Bauman had described ‘vagabonds’ as migrants who ‘know that they won’t stay in a place for long, […] since nowhere they stop are they likely to be welcome’ (1998: 92) Roughly two decades on, we can say that there is a phenomenon that would have seemed a contradiction in terms to Bauman back then: ‘welcome vagabonds’ Note In this context it has to be acknowledged that the conceptualization of family underlying the chapters of the present volume could be criticized as heteronormative This was not intentional on our part, however; rather, the topics covered in the book reflect those of an international body of scholars presented at the conference from which this book is derived The omission of an explicit discussion of the challenges that same-sex parents face in the context of migration and mobility in this volume, therefore, is a symptom of a widespread neglect of such issues in migration studies and should not be construed as a normative position on our part This also means that issues of same-sex parenting and migration are a potential topic for future research References Baldassar, L (2008) Debating culture across distance: Transnational families and the obligation to care In R. Grillo (Ed.), The family in question: Immigrant and ethnic minorities in multicultural Europe Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press Baldassar, L., & Merla, L (2014a) Introduction: Conceptualizing care circulation In L. Baldassar & L. Merla (Eds.), Transnational families, migration and the circulation of care: Understanding 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Edward Elgar Strathern, M (2005) Kinship, law and the uunexpected: Relatives are always a surprise Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Urry, J (2007) Mobilities Cambridge: Polity Weeks, J., Heaphy, B., & Donovan, C (2001) Same sex intimacies: Families of choice and other life experiences London: Routledge Weston, K (1991) Families we choose: Lesbians gays, kinship New  York: Columbia University Press Index A affordance(s), 75–6, 83, 86–7 ageing demographic, 142 independent, 238–9, 265 parents, 7, 22, 143, 154–5 ‘stay(ing)-behind’ elderly, 268–70 agency ageing and, 261–83 erotic, 279–81 exploitation, 144 within families, 189–90 human/personal/individual, 100, 280, 345 of migrants, 73, 264 recruiting/employment/job, 79, 197, 277 surrogacy, 101, 112–3 women’s, 13, 165, 207, 225, 276 Albania, 264–74 ambient co-presence, 37, 71, 84 assimilate/assimilation, 10, 11, 317, 347 assisted reproductive technology (ART), 9, 96, 123 regulation of, 103–14 Australia, 22–39, 102–7, 115, 122 B Bauman, Zygmunt, 238, 338, 343 Belgium, 287–311 biopolitical regimes, 98–101, 103–15 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016 M Kilkey, E Palenga-Möllenbeck (eds.), Family Life in an Age of Migration and Mobility, Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship, DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-52099-9 351 352 Index C The Canary Islands, 242–56 care circulation lens/framework, 6, 14, 27–39, 292, 299–306, 340 commitments, 14, 29, 328–30 crisis, 142, 202, 239, 292 deficit, 20, 142–3, 300 devaluation of, 290, 302 drain, 219, 299, 339 giving practices, 7, 187 home-based, 14–15, 165, 245, 250, 315, 322–5 (see also domestic work; maid; nanny) institutional, 143, 153, 154 in old age, 237–56 paid, 73, 157, 244, 250 regime, 155, 238–41, 250, 302 unpaid, 10, 73, 149–57, 216, 240–55, 289, 304–5, 313–28 value of, 15, 314–5, 322, 324, 326, 330 care worker informal, 125, 154, 196, 241, 244, 248, 254, 298 migrant, 8, 13, 287–8, 291, 294–5, 302–6 childbearing, 10, 142, 164 child raising/rearing, 5–6, 10, 12, 47 norms, 9, 191, 201, 207 transnational, 201 children adult, 2, 3, 45, 206, 240, 245, 251–2, 267, 343 grandchildren, 30, 168, 244–5, 251–2, 267, 270–5, 281–3, 298, 302, 343 left-behind, 72–3, 78–81, 83–7, 205, 265, 299, 328, 330 multi-local (see multi-local) parachute, 24 citizenship, 4, 112–14, 138, 151–4, 158, 225, 289, 291, 306, 346 EU, 254, 313, 320–4, 326 regularization, 262, 271, 298, 325 status, 152–4, 189, 193, 195 class middle-, 4–7, 11, 24–5, 79, 125, 164, 167–70, 174, 180, 344 social, 4, 25, 76 working, 8, 170, 173, 175, 215 communication face-to-face, 47, 57, 61, 75, 87, 202, 340 new media, 6–8, 21–2, 27–9, 34–6, 57, 72, 75, 80–90 social media, 84, 170, 345 technology, 6–9, 12, 19–39, 57–63, 71–6, 80–7, 225, 239, 294, 300–1, 340 transnational, 8, 72–3, 75, 79–85, 90 cosmopolitan, 239, 253 Costa del Sol, 242, 246–50, 252–3, 256 The Czech Republic, 9, 101, 105–6, 110, 218 D daughter-in-law, 10, 138, 142, 148, 154–7, 272–3, 322 defamilialization, 14, 287–306 dependency ‘Dependency Law’, 240, 244, 250 Index on eldercare, 239, 244, 254 on family/relatives/partner, 88, 166, 179, 181, 197, 203 intergenerational, 179 welfare, 11, 346 women’s, 166, 179, 181 diaspora, 4, 89, 125, 156 division of labour, 11–12, 166, 226 divorce, 25, 43, 65, 144–5, 151–3, 196, 262, 279–80, 321 domestic work(er) care and, 12, 14, 77, 225, 226, 292 migrant, 219, 241, 294, 296, 325 E Eastern Europe, 12, 110, 114, 214–18, 230–2, 261, 275, 280, 342 economic/financial crisis, 10, 164, 170–1, 177, 182, 240, 249–50, 255, 273, 275–6, 279, 283 egg donation/vending, 96, 103, 106, 113 elderly care, 1, 11, 47, 238, 245, 247, 250, 255, 293 ethnography, 8, 72–3, 76, 78, 88 EU citizenship (see citizenship) enlargement, 167, 218, 276 Eurozone crisis (see economic/ financial crisis) freedom of movement (FOM), 3, 10–11, 238, 243, 315, 318–21, 326–7 intra-EU mobility, 353 F family bond, 192, 195, 197–9, 202, 204 care/caregiving, 7, 14, 22–38 conflicts, 84 constellations, 64, 190, 255 ‘do(ing) family’, 7–8, 44, 47, 49–50, 61–2, 74, 87, 179, 345–7 dual earner, 181 ‘Fly-In-Fly-Out’, 7, 22 intra-communal multi-local, 43–4, 49, 52–3, 56 (see also multi-local; transnational) mobility, 189 multigenerational, 46, 155, 170, 267 nuclear, 46, 155, 158, 191, 207, 262, 283 post-separation, 48–9, 51, 58, 61–3 practice, 21, 44, 50, 62, 64–5, 74, 340, 345 project, 11 re-familialization, 217, 296, 342 relation(ship), 11, 13, 23, 46, 75, 87, 166, 181, 188, 200, 214, 268, 283, 290, 294, 299, 300, 303, 321, 322, 324, 329 reunion/reunification, 11–12, 36, 187–207, 321, 323, 341, 346 same sex, 11, 255 separation of, 45, 59, 81, 204, 279, 339 structure, 49, 64, 65, 239, 266–7, 282 (see also intergenerational) family life 354 Index family life (cont.) cross-generational, 263, 267 norms of/normal, 264, 319–20 respect for, 315, 324–5, 329–30 spatial organization of, 43–50, 57–65 (see also space/ spacing) work and, 11, 48, 165, 175, 177, 214 family migration, 4, 139, 202 policies/regulations, 188–93, 206–7, 317–18, 322 father fatherhood, 12, 15, 213–32 migrant, 223, 274, 342 ‘new fathering’, 12, 213–32 ‘stay(ing) behind’, 214–15, 219, 224–5, 227 fertility industry, 9, 96–103, 109 G gender division of labour, 12, 164, 166, 251 egalitarianism, 180 equality, 11–14, 145, 158, 165, 171, 176, 180–2, 214–15, 218, 220, 231–2, 279, 305 order, 216–17, 226, 314–15, 329 relations, 13, 48, 88, 143, 214, 217, 282, 313, 326 (see also care, family, motherhood/ mother, nanny, father, masculinity, child-raising, marriage) generation born in 1940s, 252–3 generational order, 65 next/coming, 10, 150, 182 older, 216, 238, 265–74, 282–3 Germany, 8, 44, 49, 55, 100, 105, 214, 218–21, 288, 292–3 Ghana, 187–207, 340, 344 global care chains, 14, 167–8, 214, 287, 291–2, 296, 299–305 inequality, 121, 328, 339 North, 2, 4, 13, 77, 132, 167, 188–9, 292, 343–4 South, 13, 119, 132, 167, 292, 343–4 globalization, 9, 73, 96, 98, 109, 119–20, 131–2, 262, 265, 275, 342, 345 governance, 3, 8, 62, 64, 345 Greece, 11, 13, 100, 105–7, 163, 240, 261–74, 281 H handymen, 2, 219–24, 241, 248, 250, 339 health care system/service, 109–12, 153, 240, 246, 297 National Health Service (NHS), 78, 240 status, 253 I India, 4, 9, 77, 95–7, 100–2, 110–14, 119–31 informal care, 25–8, 31, 39, 123, 143, 164, 178–9, 196, 244–9, 254, 288, 292–3 (see also care worker) Index economy/service/market, 241–2, 248, 254, 298 networks, 13, 196, 239 institution(al) context/arrangement/setting, 65, 90, 105, 139, 166, 178, 301, 305, 328, 345 formal, 137, 188, 239, 240 integration (of migrants), 10, 138, 144–7, 151–2, 156–7, 189, 191, 201, 249, 328–9 intergenerational care/support, 15, 47, 168, 172, 174, 175, 324–5, 329–30 cohabitation, 240 dependency (see dependency) family strategy, 13 relationships, 47–8, 266, 270–2 solidarity, 166, 180, 303 transformation, 222 intersections between different types of families and different forms of care, 27, 39 between migration/mobility and family life, 6–7, 21, 27, 207, 283 with various dimension of social reproduction, 28, 38 between the welfare regimes, 288 in-vitro fertilization (IVF), 9, 96, 99, 101, 103–5, 109, 120, 132 Italy, 11, 13, 55, 100–7, 163–82, 240, 261–4, 270–73, 281–3, 287, 292–3, 343 K kinship ritual, 355 L language, 8, 60–2, 111, 124, 144, 148, 151–2, 155, 178, 193, 196, 201–2, 239, 244–9, 272, 280, 282, 328–30 Latvia, 13, 105, 168, 261–7, 274–83, 343–4 leave policy, 165, 167, 169, 171–8, 180, 218, 298, 302 life course family, 1–7, 10, 15, 137–9, 148, 196 perspective/lens, 1–5, 15, 341 M maid, 2, 96, 324 male breadwinner, 165, 172, 179, 313, 315, 321, 327 family model, 12, 143, 171, 180–2, 215–24, 227, 231, 240 marketization, 241, 254 See also privatisation marriage foreign/migrant bride, 10, 143–4, 154–6 ‘mail order bride’, migration/migrant, 4, 5, 10, 139–40, 148–58, 322, 342, 344 migration policy, 10, 137–9, 143–48 ‘paper marriage’, 204 transnational, 202 masculinity, 12, 214–18, 220–32 See also father methodological nationalism/ territorialism, 14, 46 356 Index migration circular/shuttle/rotational, 10, 222, 226, 302 female, 9, 12–13, 77–8, 88–9, 167, 181, 188, 223, 262, 276, 288, 294 feminized, 8, 72, 141, 213 law, 5, 14–15, 313–31 motivations for, 11, 87–8, 100, 200, 239, 242, 341 policy, 2, 5, 12, 34, 37, 188–99, 206–7, 242, 302, 310, 318, 322, 346–7 (see also family migration; marriage) of the privileged, 13, 239, 338–9, 344 prolongation of, 90 return, 274 social cost of, 80, 82 (see also transnational) mobility exit, 239, 245, 255, 276 hypermobility, 1–2, 98, 337 immobility, 13, 206, 238, 254–6, 270, 338, 343 internal, job-related, 3, migration and, 10, 14–15, 20–3, 38, 345–6 perspective/lens, 1–6 (see also family) motherhood/mothering, 10, 119, 152–3, 165, 200, 229–32 ideals/norms/stereotypes/ expectations/assumptions of, 78, 89, 120, 131, 199 inclusive, 200 surrogate, 96, 114, 122, 342, 344 transnational (see transnational) multi-local family, 3, 6–8, 25, 38, 43–65, 339–440 N nanny, 2, 78, 96, 167, 176, 178, 226 The Netherlands, 11, 106–7, 188–96, 199–207, 314–18, 321–2, 328–30 New Public Management, 11 Norway, 11, 100, 105–6, 163–82, 342 P patriarchal exploitation, 15 pension, 10, 177, 240–3, 250–3, 269–70, 275–81, 291, 297, 302 The Philippines, 4, 8–9, 72–3, 77–83, 87–9, 140, 150, 167, 223, 340 Poland, 12, 105, 167–8, 214, 218–9, 222, 226, 296 polymedia, 8, 21, 30, 33–6, 71–6, 83–90 See also communication Portugal, 11, 163 poverty, 100, 133, 148, 254–5, 261, 265, 269–70, 275, 290, 338 pre-implantation genetic diagnosis (PGD), 96–7, 103–5, 114–15 private insurance, 243, 247, 254 privatisation, 237, 241, 253 Index R remittances, 73, 77, 82, 84, 88, 268–72, 282, 297, 299, 341, 343 reproductive tourism, 3, 5, 9, 96–103, 108–9, 114, 342–5 retirement migration economic condition, 238, 252 international retirement migrant (IRM), 238–56 lifestyle migration/migrant, 13, 252, 342 retiree, 13, 237–8, 244, 252–3, 302, 343 social networks, 239, 247, 251, 254–5, 276 ‘sunset migration’, 5, 13 (see also dependency; health; tax) routine of family life, 50, 51, 56, 57, 86, 228 and ritual, 32, 58 (see also kinship ritual) S service See care; domestic work sex selection, 9, 96–7, 104–6, 114–15, 142 simultaneity, 64 social division, socialism, 12, 215, 217, 220, 230–2 post-socialist transition/ transformation, 213, 217, 230–2, 261, 264–8, 275, 279, 296, 342–3 social reproduction/reproductive biological and, 357 concept/approach of, 4–6, 20, 28, 38, 290, 303–4 role, 4, 10–11, 138, 148–58 stratification of, 15, 341 South Korea, 4, 10, 106, 137–58 space/spacing distances between residences, 51–2, 56, 59, 61 long-distance care, 47, 59, 187, 189 long-distance kinship tie, 295 proximity and distance, 64 space-spanning networks, 7, 63 time-space configurations, 46, 49–51, 56–64 time-space rhythms, 57, 263 virtual proximity, 340 (see also communication) Spain, 5, 11, 13, 55, 62, 163, 171, 237–56, 265, 343–4 surrogacy See agency; motherhood Sweden, 237–60 T tax benefit/reduction, 56, 174, 178, 241, 247 law, 61–2 ‘living abroad’, 243 territory/territorial/territorialized, 3, 60–5, 74, 345 See also methodological nationalism/ territorialism transnational care(giving), 7, 21–3, 26, 31–4, 38, 47, 85, 189, 230, 265–7, 292, 296, 299–306 358 Index transnational (cont.) family, 2, 8, 33, 37, 44–5, 49, 71–7, 90, 166, 187–92, 215, 219, 261–3, 266–8, 273, 299–302, 339–40 migration, 24–5, 28, 213–14, 220, 262, 266, 340 parenting/parenthood, 5, 24 ‘transnational(or migrating) grannies’, 13, 281 (see also motherhood/mothering; family; multi-local; communication) U Ukraine, 12, 214, 218–19, 296 The UK, 8, 13, 72, 78–80, 88–90, 100–3, 106–7, 115, 170, 189, 261–2, 266, 274, 280, 320, 324 Urry, John, 32–3, 99, 263 See also mobility The USA, 5, 104, 110, 114 W welfare state, 153, 164–8, 174–81, 241, 255, 288–92, 296, 303, 318, 342 Mediterranean, 164, 240 regime, 11, 138, 163–4, 288–305 (see also care) social-democratic, 11, 240 widow, 238, 247, 251, 262, 268–74, 279 ... Migrants in Spain: Mobility and Eldercare in an Aging Europe Anna Gavanas and Ines Calzada 237 12 Contrasts in Ageing and Agency in Family Migratory Contexts: A Comparison of Albanian and Latvian... parents of migrant brides who fly to join Korean bachelors? What v vi Foreword is the experience of Italian migrants in Norway, of Ghanaian workers in Holland, of Poles in Germany and Ukrainians in. .. 194 xxix Introduction: Family Life in an Age of Migration and Mobility: Introducing a Global and Family Life- Course Perspective Majella Kilkey and Ewa Palenga-Möllenbeck The final stages of our