KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 204 CHAPTER VI Engaging Peasants in National Opposition Local peasant struggles are undoubtedly the basis of KMP’s oppositional politics. These struggles, however, could always be perceived as insignificant and parochial, and easily dismissed as isolated cases of rural unrest if their cause and nature are not projected and elevated at the national level. The oppositional peasant politics of KMP on a national scale describes the challenger’s broader and larger political engagement to advance the interests of peasants. It illustrates how local struggles acquire a national character by showing how local opposition is reciprocated by national actions and vice versa. If at the local level KMP is able to confront its political opponents face-to-face, at the national level the challenger is likewise able to confront the source of policies that engender or complicate local conflicts. In this respect, the succeeding discussions focus on the KMP’s political dealings at the national level. The chapter evokes two arguments. First, movement processes and structures at the national level are broader expressions of local oppositions and involve more complex and formal modes and means of national protest. This is evidenced by the way the national KMP organizes collective action and enhance movement unity. Second, specific movement processes such as organization, consciousness building, mobilization, and assessment of outcomes at the national level possess striking similarities with those at the local level. The link is manifest in that national opposition is an important extension of local protest while the latter represents a microscopic view of national protest. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 205 To substantiate the aforesaid arguments, I discuss respectively in the first three sections the political and cultural aspects of the KMP’s organization, the movement’s consciousness building activities, and the process how it engages the peasant and different sectors of the population into collective action. The fourth section considers the process how the movement perceives the effects of its oppositional politics vis -àvis its short-term and long-term goals. The fifth section concludes the chapter by comparing the movement’s oppositional politics at the national and local levels – that while oppositional politics at the two levels exhibit striking similarities, the political practices from one level to another possess significant differences or breaks. A. Organization of Collective Action and Identity Organization is the crucial resource of KMP that enables it to forge unity among its chapters nationwide and create a powerful collective medium for political contestation. The movement’s effective leadership over regional and 55 local chapters (comprising a total of 800,000 rural people) is made possible by a centralized federal organizational structure. The system makes possible the representation of all member chapters and a strict coordination between the local, provincial, and regional chapters and national office, and between members and leaders. KMP regularly conducts national congresses and national council meetings. In its 15 years of existence, the movement has conducted national congresses and numerous council meetings. The National Congress is composed of delegates representing all member organizations while the National Council is comprised of national leaders, and regional and Muslim representatives. In between congress and the council meetings, the National Executive Committee performs the role of executing plans and decisions and provides tactical leadership. In turn the administrative chapters (regions, sub-regions, and provincial KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 206 branches) and local member organizations conduct their respective congresses, general assemblies, or leaders’ meeting in between these national meetings. Moreover, KMP’s constitution expressly stipulates the rights and duties of Member Organizations, the National Congress, the National Council, the National Executive Committee, National Leaders, and the National Office. 267 1. Political Organization The political aspects of organization specifically deal with the processes through which an oppositional movement organizes itself as a collective challenge against its political opponents. To elaborate on these, I discuss how KMP orchestrates collective action, its alliance work, how it interacts with support organizations, and its administrative and finance work. a. Orchestrating Collective Action The national office of KMP basically operates, supervises, and coordinates local, national, and international actions and with its member orga nizations through seven integrated tasks or departments. 268 These departments, however, are not confined within their job description and perform other tasks that are assigned by the National Executive Committee aside from their respective duties and obligations. Through its organizing department, the national office helps in building peasant organizations in areas where there is still none. The department administers expansion work and recommends approval of membership applications to the appropriate leaders hip body. It regularly coordinates with other militant organizations, groups or key people from other sectors for synchronized actions. 267 268 Lifted from the 1993 Constitution of the KMP. Derived from a KMP Brochure (nd) and interviews with KMP national leaders and department heads. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 207 Second, the mass struggles department provides direct support in planning, implementing, sustaining, and summing up mass struggles of the entire organization at different levels. It leads and facilitates the planning and administration of campaigns and mobilizations in the National Capital Region. It is also responsible for the promotion of selective mass struggles of local chapters. Third, through its education and training department, the national office outlines and primarily implements education programs and develops training courses for peasant leaders. Fourth, the economic welfare department provides direct support to KMP chapters in establishing and managing economic projects. It basically implements programs at the national level that are significant in advancing genuine agrarian reform and improving the livelihood of the peasantry. The department actively participates in the socio-economic endeavors of the national office and member chapters in general aimed at developing an orientation in economic and cooperative work. Fifth, the public information department is tasked to conduct research about the various issues related to the history, present status and demands of the peasants in the Philippines. Subject to the approval of the National Executive Committee, it issues relevant statements and formulates slogans regarding immediate peasant or national issues. It manages the reproduction and distribution of official papers and journals of KMP. Sixth, the international relations department establishes and develops coordination with foreign organizations, institutions or individuals that are willing to support the peasant movement. It also plans and organizes international education campaigns and propaganda to project the situation and struggles of the peasantry in the Philippines. And seven, through the administration and finance department, all departments of the national office is provided with technical and administrative support. It collects fees or KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 208 dues from the membership, donations or contributions from supporters of the peasant movement and spearheads in launching fund-raising campaigns for KMP. Despite the demanding tasks of each department and lack of personnel, KMP carries out its duties to member organizations by implementing the policy of “one person per line of work”. The arrangement, however, is reinforced by the practice of multi-tasking where one person pe rforms at least two or three tasks in a given day. The assigned researcher would for example perform the task on hand in the morning, perform alliance work in the afternoon, and then participate in campaigns and vigils in the evening. 269 The said arrangement can indeed pose serious difficulties and limitations to KMP’s personnel. The movement, however, is able to achieve the development and seasoning of cadres through this complicated process. Another way of reinforcing the policy is through a volunteer system. The office regularly scouts for students, out of school youths, urban and rural poor people, teachers, and professionals who can help in their daily operations. Some work part-time and others help on a full-time basis. 270 As a campaign-based organizatio n, KMP generally organizes two types of collective action to challenge political opponents, namely, mass actions and mass campaigns. Mass actions refer to those political activities that are planned and collectively carried out toward a specific objective. A particular kind of mass action and that is predominantly being launched by the movement are mass struggles. These are planned and collective actions carried out against specific political opponents. On the other hand, mass campaigns refer to those planned, organized, and sustained series of mass actions. Usually launched on broader scales, campaigns vary 269 270 Interviews with Wim D., Research Consultant and international alliance staff since 1999. Most KMP staff started in this manner. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 209 according to stated objectives such as political, organizational, educational, economic, or a combination of them. The two types of collective actions can be further classified as sectoral (involves one social grouping) or multi-sectoral (involves several social groupings). It all starts in the orchestration of a peasant campaign and the launching of build-up activities that would culminate in a major mass action. First, the general slogan or theme is set and the general objective of the campaign is laid down. The character and conduct of the campaign is then determined based on the central theme and objectives. After the direction is set, the most pressing national issues are determined and processed by pinpointing the definite campaign issues to be carried. The issues identified are further distilled to establish and contextualize the more specific local issues and struggles to be highlighted at the national level. Penultimately, other critical components like advocacy and education, organizing and alliance (or networking), and administrative and finance are particularized to ensure implementation. A peasant campaign, however, cannot progress in isolation with the other oppositional activities of the larger challenger society. In this respect, the campaign is designed to converge with and reinforce other sectoral and multi-sectoral actions and campaigns at the local and national levels. 271 b. Networking Netw orking is another building block of organizing collective action. It constitutes an important step in ground working and engaging other sectors to support peasant actions. Alliance work is generally planned and follows a detailed tasking as to who is going to talk to whom. A separate venue is set up for allies in the form of symposia, forums, and dialogues. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 210 Like a significant segment of organizing work, the approach to alliance building is predominantly intended to boost a campaign or mass action, albeit, organizing and the building of ties are always strictly linked to the peasants’ struggle for land. 272 The process, however, is self-transforming as through alliance building, a broad unity is forged at local, national, and international levels. It likewise creates greater opportunities for sustained political actions. KMP basically approaches other sectors like the Church, academe, media, government line agencies, lawyers, small entrepreneurs, students, etc. for tactical and strategic collaboration. The movement, however, approaches only those organizations, institutions, forces, and individuals who are not oppositional to its cause. It has a strict policy of non-affiliation and non-collaboration with political opponents and factions. As with government agencies, it likewise maintains the position of disengagement. Individual politicians, however, are approached on a case-to-case basis and support is solicited from them based on specific issues and campaigns. A tactical alliance, for example, with politicians and middle forces was appropriate in its campaign against GMOs (genetically modified organisms) and agro-chemical TNCs (transnational corporations). Moreover, the movement also forged solidarity with government employees through their unions in the case of NFA privatization and the nationwide campaign against land use conversion. c. Support Organizations The organization work of KMP, however, could not advance and facilitate the establishment of mobilizing structures without the existence of other organizations and a larger social movement for that matter. The multiorganizational fields that the 271 272 See for example KMP’s Proposed Peasant Campaign (July 1999-December 2000). Insight from Lu Roque, head of International Department. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 211 movement engages and disengages with are a critical factor of all organization, advocacy and education, and mobilization work. Through a range of supportive and prospective support sectors or organizations, the peasant struggle is augmented and broadened by other sectoral and multi-sectoral struggles. Among others, movement continues to enjoy the support of pogressive forces and organizations of students and youth (e.g., LFS, SCM, and ANAKBAYAN); professionals like teachers (e.g., ACT); lawyers’ or legal groups (e.g., PILC, SENTRA); government officials and employees (e.g., COURAGE); workers (e.g., KMU); indigenous people’s groups (e.g., CPA, CLAA); fisherfolks (e.g. , PAMALAKAYA); women’s organizations (e.g., GABRIELA, AMIHAN); the churches and other religious congregations (e.g., RMP, UCCP); gender movements (e.g., PRO GAY); health workers (e.g., CHD); cultural groups (e.g., TEKA MUNA, The Jerks); human rights groups (e.g., KARAPATAN); overseas contract workers (e.g., MIGRANTE International, COW); environmental groups (e.g., CEC), multisectoral formations (e.g., BAYAN, ST-AGENDA); research institutions (e.g., IBON Foundation, Inc.); and a host of other institutions and individuals. 273 The level of interaction between KMP and these organizations is basically political. Depending on their concerns and objectives, these organizations provide human resources for KMP’s activities. In mass actions and campaigns, for instance, they send delegates to participate in rallies and demonstrations and help in the planning 273 LFS stands for the League of Filipino Students, SCM for Student Catholic Movement, ACT for Alliance of Concerned Teachers, PILC for Public Interest Law Center, SENTRA for Center for Genuine Agrarian Reform, COURAGE for Confederation for Unity, Recognition, and Advancement of Government Employees, KMU for May Movement, CPA for Cordillera People’s Alliance, CLAA for Central Luzon Aeta Association, PAMALAKAYA for National Movement of Fisherfolks, GABRIELA for National Alliance of Women’s Organizations in the Philippines, AMIHAN for National Federation of Peasant Women, RMP for Rural Missionaries of the Philippines, UCCP for United Council of Churches in the Philippines, CHD for Council for Health and Development, KARAPATAN for Alliance for the Advancement of People’s Rights, COW for Center for Overseas Workers, CEC for Center for KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 212 of activities. They also engage in the exchange of information and experiences through research and exposure programs. And while some provide moral support, others supplement the meager resources that KMP has. Moreover, most of the said formations possess national democratic orientations. d. Administrative and Finance Work Another critical factor in the conduct of day-to-day operations of KMP is administration and finance work. Without the much-needed technical, administrative, and logistical support, the organization and launching of mass actions and campaigns could not be carried out. The movement needs around Php80,000 (about S$2,758) to support its monthly national operations, provide allowances for its staff, and finance regular publications. On the other hand, a peasant campaign could cost as much as PhP100,000 (more or less S$3,448) and this activity entails an all-out fund-raising campaign by the assigned team through solicitations, donations, and contributions from all possible sources, national and international. In the year 2000, KMP respectively relied on donations and solicitations, loans, and developmental projects to subsist. More specifically, another interesting way of mobilizing resources points to the practice of soliciting pledges from middle forces or supportive individuals. Full-time peasant activists are sustained through this pledge-system. 274 Loans basically come from network and like-minded NGOs, movements, and allies while funding for projects are provided by international funding agencies and non-government institutions like the Church. No local or international funding agency, however, supports the operations of KMP and funding is strictly project-based. And Environmental Concerns, ST -AGENDA for Southern Tagalog Alliance for Genuine Development Alternatives, and BAYAN for New Patriotic Alliance. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 213 despite the considerable lack of resources, the movement maintains the policy of not approaching government agencies and other funding institutions adversarial to its cause to finance its projects. 275 2. Cultural Organization Aside from organizing itself to pose a collective challenge to political opponents, an oppositional movement also utilizes organizational means to continually develop itself as a legitimate expression of demands, goals, and collective identities. For that matter, the KMP relies on the movement’s emblem, constitution, theme song, and calls of unity or slogans to enhance organizational unity and identity. The basic identifying element about the character of KMP as a social movement is its insignia – the face of a farmer wielding a sickle. At the onset, the emblem suggests that the movement is a grassroots movement that particularly represents peasants. The action-oriented or militant dimension could be deduced from the way the farmer holds the sickle, as if the tool for harvesting pa lay is also a weapon for defending against or attacking “enemies”. The caricature of the farmer’s face is also striking. The frowning face is very noticeable and could very well be perceived as a farmer who is all fired up and ready to fight. It should als o be noted that the KMP insignia is always displayed in every mass action, major meeting, and in the national and local offices. The “farmer’s face” is drawn (usually in yellow) on a rectangular shaped red cloth. The red background signifies militancy and courage. Interestingly, all national democratic organizations use the same colors and background. 274 This amount is a very conservative estimate of the overall expenses incurred in launching the October 2000 Peasant Campaign. It excludes the counterpart of the administrative and local chapters. 275 Interviews with Lu Roque and Amy A., Vina M., and Rhoda G. (Administration and Finance Department personnel). KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 274 In sum, the caravan was an amplification of the voices of dissent. 372 It was an expression of the frustration of thousands of farmers, landless peasants, farm workers, fisherfolks, and indigenous people throughout Asia. 373 International solidarity among peasant and non-peasant communities was highlighted in supporting, mobilizing, and projecting the resistance of farmers, consumers, and communities against the immoral practices of TNCs.374 As for KMP, it was an occasion for movement to demonstrate its initiative or leadership in analyzing the issue of pesticides and GMOs and bring it to the people’s attention at the international level. 375 KMP President, Rafael Mariano, presents his observation about the activity: The caravan signified an important step in increasing solidarity among Asian farmers against globalization and the monopoly control of TNCs on food production and consumption systems. For both peasants and non-peasants, the unprecedented mobilization helped strengthen their resolve, struggles, and movements and for others it helped raise the awareness and mobilize action on issues that people from different parts of the world need to be aware of. 376 C. Movement Processes and Structures Aside from extending domestic opposition, the participation of KMP in international protest activities could be analyzed by examining the different movement components that have been emphasized throughout the study. 1. Consciousness building, Organization, and Mobilization First, the promotion of political and ideological consciousness is done by the KMP through political scaling. In international activities, the national movement propagates that while local problems could not be solved if a national solution is not sought, it is also important to see how international structures and processes exacerbate 372 Jennifer Mourin, PAN AP Media and Campaigns Coordinator, and the Regional Coordinator of the People’s Caravan 2000. 373 Fatima Burnad, coordinator for the Tamil Nadu Women’s Forum (TNWF) and Society for Rural Education and Development (SRED), cited in Peoples’ CARAVAN 2000 Proceedings. 374 Shahid Hussain Shamin, Director of UBINIG cited in Peoples’ CARAVAN 2000 Proceedings. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 275 them, e.g., AIPWS, AWLG, PEOPLE’S CARAVAN 2000. It is also through international activities that Philippine peasants learn a much broader social comparison and where the global abstractions of their problems become intelligible to them. And through the movement’s interaction with like-minded organizations and formations, the radical nature of KMP’s oppositional politics is endorsed to the least. In terms of organization, what stands most is the importance of networking with Asian and other international organizations and formations. This political aspect of organization puts into place the necessary structures for collective action at a broader level. On the other hand, the cultural dimension is emphasized through the performance of skits, dance, songs, poems, and etcetera in sharing activities. Moreover, declarations of unity during conferences underline both the political and cultural aspect of organization where a “binding agreement” is reached, e.g. The Asian Declaration of Anti-Imperialist Unity and Cooperation under the Workshop (B.2.). This could always be resorted upon to enjoin a certain degree of participation or involvement. Third, several aspects of mobilization could be underscored. The elevation of local and national issues and struggles to the international arena is manifest, e.g., the Hacienda Looc case and the International Fact Finding Mission. As to mobilization structures, the international engagements of KMP demonstrate again the importance of domestic and foreign formal networks and organizations in launching cosmopolitan protest actions, e.g. RMP, NCCP-CPSC, PAMALAKAYA, AMIHAN, NNARA, BAYAN, and CPA and ANPA, BAFL, BALU, MST-Brazil, SAAPAWU, SEARICE, PAN-AP, MOSOP, and PFE! respectively. The mobilization space s utilized in protest logically possess international significance to highlight the international anchor of 375 Interviews with Lu Roque Roque, 30 December 2000. For an example as to how social movements in the U.S. oppose GMOs, see the article of Reisner (2001) entitled “Social movement organizations' reactions to genetic engineering in agriculture.” KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 276 issues and actions, e.g., Subic, Clark, hotels, educational institutions, office of MNCs/TNCs, and testing areas for GMOs. Lastly, international repertoires of KMP consisted of conferences, seminars and workshops, arts activities, exposure programs, fact finding missions, mass mobilization, information drive or campaign, and speaking engagements. 2. Assessment of Outcomes and Consequences Two objectives basically guide the movement’s ISW – “extend political and material support to other struggling peasant movements and vice versa and deliver severe blows to the common enemy of the peasant movements in the world”. 377 The first objective is quantifiable in te rms of establishing support groups, soliciting funds from international NGOs (INGOs), attending conferences and other mobilization activities, sending of support letters, and etcetera. The planning for the ISW simply contains the priority network of organizations to be approached and those that are still to be investigated, the activities to be launched and attended, the number of support groups that can be organized, and the target funding institutions. The selective character of networking lies in the movement’s policy of interacting with like-minded organizations. They, however, may not necessarily possess a national democratic orientation or uphold a national liberation program. A limiting factor to the promotion of links with INGOs and funding agencies (FAs) lies in the political organizational character of the KMP. Recognized by many to be very militant and political, big INGOs and FAs tend to shy away. The FAs whom KMP solicit material help from only provide funding for short-term activities, e.g., para-legal training. Moreover, most of the INGOs and FAs that interact with the 376 377 Interviews with Rafael Mariano, KMP Chairperson, 10 January 20001. Interview with Lu Roque, 30 December 2000. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 277 movement are relatively small institutions. Lastly, no funding institution supports the day-to-day operations of the KMP.378 Given such a limitation, the movement is forced to be self-reliant and depend more on domestic sources for material support. The second objective is quite abstract. While it is easy to assess the consciousness building, organizational, and mobilizational activities with an international dimension, it would be not unproblematic to gauge their impact on perceived political opponents. The least that KMP could is to assess the number of activities launched, the content and volume of information campaign and propaganda/education materials released or distributed, and the number of engagements. And because of the movement’s grand goal of advancing or supporting a national liberation struggle, again, the concrete political gains that KMP has achieved at the international level are transitory or fleeting. D. Complexities of KMP’s Politics The launching of non-collaborative oppositional politics vis-à-vis government and dominant powers in society is very dynamic on several grounds. First, it is through this process that less powerful forces in society pool their meager resources and organize themselves to assert their interests or neglected rights. Second, these forces face tremendous odds of not being on the side of social institutions that wield power either authoritatively or legitimately. Another complicating condition points to the need of devising or adapting ideologies or strategies to rally people and support this type of opposition. The KMP, among others, confronts these challenges in pursuing a type of societal transformation that would put peasants at the fore front of social change. 378 Ibid. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 278 1. Class Analysis The KMP thrived through class politics. 379 Class analysis has thus far proved to be an effective tool of arousing people toward collective action. The problem, however, lies in the inherent tendency or practice of subsuming all forms of social conflict as driven or triggered by class. Though it can be argued that the issue of class crosscuts other social cleavages or division, the analysis could very well be the other way around. Gender, ethnic identity, or cultural and environmental movements are not necessarily class-based and could be perceived as far more encompassing than class. Empirically, should a class revolution succeed the issues that remain are the aforementioned. The growing number of consumers in Philippine soc iety represents another problematic angle in class analysis. People, especially from the middle class and to greater extent the lower class, are too preoccupied with their basic needs or monthly consumption. Without a clear alternative or direction, class analysis would not be very appealing to them. Another complicating aspect points to the struggle that needs to be carried out under class analysis. While it could be assumed that majority of the people not only in the Philippines but throughout the world are either exploited or oppressed by a few, class struggle either by evolutionary or revolutionary means does not guarantee the eradication or alleviation of class exploitation and oppression. Connected to this is the controversial issue of an armed revolution. While it could be argued that the Philippines is the only country in Asia where a revolutionary formation still exists, i.e., the CPP-NPA, the prospects of success or overthrowing the established state is quite far-fetched. Besides, it has almost been forty years since the last socialist revolution KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 279 succeeded in Cuba. To date, capitalism seems to have overwhelmed the “global population” and penetrated the most remote areas in most countries. Without a concrete, viable, and enduring alternative, the propagation of class analysis and its proposed class struggle would wind up as a mere involuntary witticism. 2. Unitary State Because of class analysis, the KMP and other national democratic organizations in the Philippines perceive the Philippine state as a unitary actor. The formulation is problematic on several grounds. First, it neglects the possibility of allying with a specific government agency or institution to seek immediate redress for peasant grievances. While the movement is understandably non-collaborative, its members should be aware always that only through a protracted struggle that their interests would be served. And this condition is the most costly of all. While the KMP has achieved qualitative success in terms of consciousness building, organization, and mobilization and from time to time provided concrete gains for peasants through militant struggles, e.g., Hacienda Looc and BUFFALO cases, these victories are again transitory. The enduring movement outcome and consequence of oppositional politics points to biographical changes and the political pressure that movement participants have undergone and undergo. This pertains to the deterioration of their economic status due to the struggle. Another condition is the political military pressure that activists confront from their political opponents. Second, the perception of the Philippine state and others as well as unitary negates the possibility of a piecemeal change; that to change society, the state with all its apparatuses should be destroyed. A s implied under the discussions on class analysis, this could only be possible through a bloody revolution. 379 Jimenez, 2002: 56; See also Chapter IV, V, and VI. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 280 Third, should the KMP and the national democratic forces succeed in overthrowing the Philippine state and transforming society it would only be logical for this new power to establish a similar unitary state to ensure the implementation of a pro-people or pro-poor development policy. In this case, I s not the liberal argument that “it all depends on who is in power” more appealing? And in establishing a new people’s state, what are the guarantees that the human rights of the ousted class would be safeguarded? 3. Emphasis on Extra-Parliamentary Means The KMP does not believe that peasant interests could be advanced and defended through the formal legal cha nnels offered by the Philippine state. This is basically due to the movement’s assertion that landlords and capitalists dominate these channels and the policies formulated are adversary to peasant interests. Thus far, the success of the UMALPAS-KA in frustrating the conversion of Hacienda Looc into a tourist spot and the continued stay of the BUFFALO farmers in Central Mindanao University in Bukidnon are the most tangible gain that KMP could cite in defending peasant interests. But as I have pointed out in the previous chapters and sections, these victories are fleeting. The Philippine government could eventually impose its authority, ensure all legal procedures have been met, and declare Hacienda Looc as a top priority program for tourism and development. It could likewise invoke on the power of eminent domain. What I have just mentioned is a basic problem when struggles are won through extra-parliamentary means. Moreover, the situation raises the question about the sustainability of the resistance put up by the residents and UMALPAS-KA. In the longer run, real estate developers and government have the resources and the power to KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 281 pressure them. In sum, what are the odds that peasant resistance could outlast government and real estate developers? Another proble matic for extra-parliamentary struggles is their underground or secret component. While Philippine protest has historically been characterized as often involving the establishment of open and secret organizations, the impact of such practice on the participating organizations, the lives of individual participants, and the probability of success necessitates a more serious and thorough study. In the case of peasant-initiated land occupations, for instance, the armed underground support received by the KMP chapters in Occidental Mindoro complicated the peasant struggle. A major lesson that was pointed out is the difficulty of combining the aboveground and underground components in a struggle. Once combined, the “illegal” aspect stands out and envelops the “legal” aspect. Instead of dealing only with the security guards of the Aquafil Estate the peasant occupants had to deal also with the CAFGUs, the para-military unit that was established under the Aquino administration and replaced the defunct CHDF under the deposed Marcos regime (Fuentes and Paring, 1992: 36, 52). 380 Extra-parliamentary means of advancing peasant interests could succeed but with great uncertainties. Sustaining them versus more powerful opponents is even a bigger problem. It also attracts undergr ound support especially if the goal coheres with the principles of the CPP-NPA. And when armed support is present, more uncertainties set in and again sustaining both armed and unarmed struggle is a much bigger task. The combination, hence, of aboveground and underground strategies is a precarious mix. 380 CAFGU stands for Citizens Armed Forces Geographical Unit while CHDF for Civilian Home Defense Forces. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 282 4. KMP’s Political Orientation and the CPP-NPA The KMP is openly a national democratic organization. As such, it is a member of the National Democratic Front of which the CPP-NPA is the major or dominant organiz ation. More so, the KMP has been dubbed as Maoist-inspired and CPPinfluenced (Franco, 1999: 2-4) and that the members of its national council are mostly members of the CPP (Borras, 1997). Empirically also, well known former members of the CPP used to and currently work or interact with the movement. The abovementioned circumstances could identify KMP as a CPP -NPA front. Such labeling bears tremendous political impact on the operations of KMP as an open mass movement. First, it is always under surveillanc e by the military, e.g., the national office, leaders, and staff. At the local level, KMP leaders and members are subject to more intensive military intelligence and summary killings. Second, identification with the CPP -NPA limits the widest support that the movement could possibly solicit. Progressive and liberal organizations and individuals could easily shy away despite their sympathy to the peasant cause. The engagements then of KMP with other organizations are constrained and vice versa. This situation puts the movement in a relatively isolated situation, with only the other national democratic organizations to rely upon. Moreover, not only the KMP is affected by such labeling but also the institutions, organizations, formations, or individuals that deal with it regardless of their intention and orientation. Third, the CPP-NPA despite the back-breaking organizational schism that hit the movement in 1993 has considerably recovered. 381 This means that its units or formations in the rural and urban areas are once again active. The KMP, hence, faces a more difficult task of differentiating or distancing itself from the revolutionary KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 283 movement especially the local chapters. Because of the KMP’s stand for a revolutionary agrarian reform program, the complications work in two ways. The CPPNPA, on one hand, could always throw its support to the local chapters even if it is unsolicited and on the other hand, the KMP chapters could likewise intentionally or unintentionally gravitate around the revolutionary program of the CPP-NPA. If KMP is indeed just another front for the operations of the CPP-NPA, the problem lies in the condition of the members not knowing the situation. The peasants, then, may have a range of “choices” under the given circumstances. They could avoid the situation by fleeing to other areas or just stay passive. They could also disengage with the KMP and seek other alternative organizations. They could maintain a dual life and face the hardships of this kind of struggle. Or they could directly join the underground movement. And at the end of the day, peasants in their respective localities shoulder the burden of struggle. Peasants aspire either of two things – an alternative medium through which they can channel their grievances and hope for immedia te action or for government to heed their demands. In desperate times, however, the first aspiration tends to stand out. 381 Chance interviews with former and concurrent members of the CPP-NPA, names withheld. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 284 E. Conclusion The KMP launches oppositional politics not only at the local and national levels, but at the international level as well. It is through international opposition that the movement deals with larger power formations and structures that affect domestic conditions. The oppositional politics of KMP at the different levels, however, is much more complicated as it faces controversial issues that could damage the movement. 1. The Local-National-International Interface Cosmopolitan protest is an important extension of domestic opposition on three grounds. First, it puts into question the broader structures and processes that often dictate national and local events. Second, it links the issues and problems of peasants from different parts of the world. Third, by exposing broader power structures and processes and linking peasant problems, they become intelligible to the peasants who suffer from considerable or relative isolation and under -education. The cosmopolitan protest of KMP could hence be perceived as a form of transnational peasant politics that thrives through “global information politics” or transnational “advocacy networks” (Edelman, 1998: 50 cf Keck and Sikknik 1998; Tarrow, n.d., chap. 11) International political advocacy provides a venue to articulate peasant grievances and concerns (e.g. landlessness and land accumulation and agrarian reform and rural development) to an international audience. It also provides the opportunity to carry out a political offensive against international processes and structures (e.g. liberalization and globalization, GATT-WTO, APEC, and the dominance of TNCs and MNCs) that are perceived to cause and/or aggravate their problems. KMP and other oppositional movements hence have the chance to contest the abstracted and concrete expressions of their political opponents. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 285 The KMP ceaselessly advocated Philippine peasant issues and concerns through engagements like the Anti-Imperialist World Peasant Summit (1996), Asian Workshop on Landlessness and Globlazation (1997), the Church-Peasant Conference (1997), Philippine Brazilian Peasant Network art exhibition, Asia -Pacific Peoples’ Assembly, International Conference Against Mining TNCs and the Peoples’ Global Action – International Conference Against Free Trade (1998), and the International Fact Finding Mission and PEOPLES’ CARAVAN (2000). Through concerted mobilizations, be it in the form of conferences, mass actions, and other forums, KMP and other movements create an opportunity to create a discour se space that is broader and larger than the national scale. This landscape becomes could be translated into a political venue where peasants from different parts of the world share their experiences and strategies through exposure trips and discussion groups. The process creates an international dialogical discourse and social comparison. In sum, the movement projects local and national peasant struggles and issues through advocacy and mobilization. This kind of political scaling multiplies peasant oppositional politics on two counts. It creates new collectivities and promotes unity for the advancement of peasant interests. And through these new collectivities and understandings, local peasant organizations, e.g., UMALPAS-KA, could solicit support from international communities in various forms. Among others, two occasions amply demonstrated the process - the International Fact Finding Mission and the creation of the Philippines Collective. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 286 2. Movement Processes and Structures at the Different Levels At the different levels of opposition, the KMP utilizes four movement processes and structures – consciousness building, organization, mobilization, and assessment of outcomes and consequences. While consciousness building at the local and national levels could be carried out through advocacy and formal education, consciousness building at the international level heavily relies on advocacy, exposure programs, and experience sharing. And due to the peculiarities of the social conditions in different countries, ideology as a basis of unity tends to be interpreted loosely. Organization work possesses similarities and differences as well. Networking at the national and international levels is dependent on formal structures of organization and planned interaction. Local networking on the other hand could thrive through interpersonal networks and social ties. Cultural organization at the local and national levels could be perceived as more affirming or rigid, e.g., the use of a constitution, regular meetings. At the international level, however, the cultural aspect of organization could only be achieved through conferences, workshops, and other activities that are irregular in character. In terms of mobilization, the militancy in tactics, space, and structure varies accordingly. Local mobilizations or collective actions seem to possess a higher degree of militancy since it is the level where KMP confronts its opponents face to face. National actions come in second while international activities (e.g., conferences, speaking engagements) are less militant as there are more political factors to be considered, e.g., the political orientation of organizations, their composition, the nature of the activity, and the venue. Similarly, the terrain of action is dependent on scope or level of action. KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 287 Mobilization structures also differ accordingly. Local mobilizations rely primarily on community, hacienda -wide, district, provincial and regional organizations while national actions depend primarily on multi-sectoral organizations and their national office. At the international level, conferences, forums, mass mobilization, information campaign, and exposure programs are primarily dependent on international ties and national organizations with international affiliations. The broader the scope gets, the mobilization structure needed becomes larger and more formal. In the assessment of movement outcomes and consequences, local-level assessment possess the most tangible indicators vis-à-vis the advancement of peasant interests, e.g. if the peasants are able to maintain control of their land, if usurious interests are decreased, if labor-sharing or capital-sharing is established. The nationallevel assessment possess less tangible indicators, e.g., the number of mobilizations launched, the volume of propaganda materials distributed, the number of new organizations established. On the other hand, international-level assessments could be very abstract. One can similarly talk about the number of activities launched and the number of support groups organized but the follow -up and communication render the achievement very much temporary. On that note, while the KMP has convened, organized, and initiated oppositional actions at the international level and has participated in various activities in Asia, Latin America, Europe, and Africa, it is premature to assume the oppositional influence of KMP on an international scale. 3. Challenging KMP’s Oppositional Politics The KMP has survived for 15 years through its uncompromising, radical oppositional peasant politics. As a national movement, it has likewise surpassed the peasant adage of the late 1980s. To date, the movement continues to expand and KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 288 consolidate its organization. There are, however, three major challenges that KMP’s oppositional politics confront. First, demonstrate its ability as a movement to weave gender and ethnic politics in its traditional Marxist class analysis. While there are concrete interactions with women’s movements like AMIHAN and GABRIELA and ethnic organizations like the CPA and CLAA, it needs to be seen in theory and practice that KMP merely uses these engagements as a straw man to boost and subsume them under class politics. This seems to be imperative as women comprise the other half of the peasant population if not its majority (AMIHAN, 1999). As for the Philippine indigenous peoples, while theirs is also a struggle for land ethnic politics possesses a dynamic that is different from that of class. Second, while it seems inevitable or impractical for a radically oppositional movement in Philippine society to away with underground support, the challenge lies in striking the balance between open and secret organizations and aboveground and underground strategies. More so, it should be clear as to when and where the “legal” component become primary and the “illegal” secondary and vice versa. As I have implied, fulltime activists and underground movements are mobile. The peasant villagers are the ones left in their communities often to fend for themselves. Lastly, the propagation of a grand goal, i.e., national liberation, becomes uninteresting if uttered out of context and in a sweeping manner. It should be recognized that a “struggle for na tional liberation” includes not only the grassroots sectors that are deemed exploited and oppressed, but the specific segments of the national population, i.e., the middle class and sex workers, politicians, as well. Without a clear, viable program for these sectors or social aggrupations the status quo is more KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 289 attractive. The other challenge hence lies in the ability of the KMP to make its program marketable not only to the peasants so to speak. [...].. .KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 214 As a class-based and oppositional movement, a stronger means of enhancing and/ or enforcing organizational and collective unity and identity is through a constitution 2 76 In its Preamble, KMP emphasizes three conditions of the peasants First, while they perform a major role in the production of goods in Philippine society the. .. operations of the Green Circle Corporation (owned by the Newmont Gold Mining Corporation - U.S.) in Aurora The mining project covers 100,000 hectares of productive lands in the tri-boundary of Pangasinan, Benguet, and Nueva Vizcaya (AMGL Manifesto on the Ouster of ERAP, October 2000) KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 219 deployed in the areas In the coastal areas of. .. always prone to the danger of overindulging on tactical issues to acquire media projection and 295 Interviews with Rafael Mariano and Danilo Ramos (General Secretary and President of KMP) Ibid 2 97 Interviews with Jim P (KMP Public Information Officer) 2 96 KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 223 overlooking the fundamental issue of land in the process KMP, however,... half of May and the first week of June 2000 304 Interviews with Danilo Ramos Interviews with Lu Roque 3 06 KMP Assessment Minutes, June 2000 and interviews with Jim P (the Public Information Officer) 305 KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 229 The third and fourth week of May witnessed the simultaneous launching of camp-outs and picket/demonstrations by local KMP. .. the New Mining Code of 1995 an all out sale of Philippine lands to foreign mining corporations It affects at least 5 million hectares of land for mining that are put on a bargain sale Another nail in the coffin of CARP, the mining law engenders massive land grabbing and environmental destruction that would render thousands of communities homeless and impoverished A glaring example is the on-going operations... emphasized the crippling effects of the policies of IMF-WB and APEC-WTO on people s’ livelihood and on the agrarian system and the general 292 Jaime Tadeo, the former leader of KMP who severed ties with the movement and was expelled by the KMP National Council is one of the members of the Board of Directors of Land Bank He was appointed to the position under the Estrada Regime 293 KMP Case Profiles, International... 1990, pp 1 17- 1 26, all in LINANGAN IV 1990; Putzel and Cunnington 1989, pp 69 -73 ; Hayami et al 1990, pp 70 -79 ; Putzel 1992, pp 58, 272 - 275 ; IRDF 1994; Riedinger 1995; CPAR Secretariat 1993; PIAF 1998; PPI 1999 290 KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 220 eviction cases in San Jose del Monte, Bulacan, 291 in the haciendas of San Antonio, Sandoval, and Sta Isabel of Isabela... people’s mass 298 Interviews with Rafael Mariano and Danilo Ramos (General Secretary and President of KMP) KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 224 Another critical advocacy tool of KMP is the regular publication of its official paper LINANG.299 Published in Filipino, this quarterly publication serves the twin purpose of advocacy and education Among other things, it drumbeats... national minorities or indigenous peoples, small fisherfolks, and peasant women KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 2 26 In turn, the worsening condition of the agrarian structure and the whole Philippine economy is ultimately attributed to the failure of government policies, intensified imperialist exploitation and plunder (manifested by the crippling impacts of economic... their rights to stay in their farmlands despite the intimidation and eviction efforts of Greggy Araneta and now Senator Manny Villar through the company they own, the Palmera Company (KMP Case Profiles) KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 221 ownership awards that were given to the farmers of the San Antonio, Sandoval, and Sta Isabela haciendas 293 Meanwhile, the . fisherfolks, and indigenous peoples, and the resumption of peace talks between the National Democratic Front of the Philippines and the Government of the Republic of the Philippines. 283 279 Interviews. 2 97 Interviews with Jim P. (KMP Public Information Officer). KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society 223 overlooking the fundamental issue of land. chapters. 275 Interviews with Lu Roque and Amy A., Vina M., and Rhoda G. (Administration and Finance Department personnel). KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society