PART TWO Operatic Entertainment and Social Reproduction     118 Chapter “A Great School for the People”: Theaters during Political Transition Harmonious singing and dancing remain commonplace, When colorful (foreign) flags are wavering in the wind everywhere. Who will bother to care about the fate of the country? In the whole city people crowd round to talk about Jiaotianer 叫天儿 (i.e. Tan Xinpei).1 Di Baoxian 狄葆贤, a political activist in the late Qing, wrote the poem above in 1900 Beijing, when the imperial capital was captured by the Allied Force of Eight Powers during the Boxer Rebellion. Revealing the extraordinary popularity of Tan Xinpei at that time, the poem, more importantly, suggests the distance between operatic entertainment and contemporary politics. When Di founded Shi bao 时报 in Shanghai four years later, he might have been delighted to see a new trend taking shape in the treaty port. The first two decades of the twentieth century witnessed radical innovations of Peking opera performances in Shanghai, which was greatly influenced by national crisis and China’s political transition from an empire to a republic. Considering popular drama as a powerful means for mass enlightenment and political mobilization, Chinese intellectuals vigorously advocated reform of the genre, while local players initiated bold attempts in practice. Fresh themes with                                                                                                                                   Di Baoxian, Pingdeng ge riji [Notes of Equal Pavilion] (Taibei: Mile chubanshe, 1984), p. 2.     119 explicit sociopolitical meanings were adopted for new plays, and innovative performing methods were taken to facilitate the effect of performance. In the meantime, philanthropic performances became increasingly prevalent, which provided theaters and spectators with a new channel to engage in social and political life. Despite the fact that for commercial theaters, business was usually the principal consideration, these initiatives vastly changed local operatic entertainment culture and generated profound social and political implications.2 This chapter illustrates the interplay between operatic entertainment and political situation in Shanghai during the first two decades of the twentieth century. Scholars have examined the subject from different perspectives. However, most studies heretofore tend to regard the renovation of Peking opera largely as a result of intellectuals’ advocacy, while underestimating the initiatives of theaters as a force in their own right. Scholars usually focus on reformist opinions and new plays, but pay inadequate attention to spectators’ reception of performances. Presenting a more comprehensive historical account, this chapter scrutinizes the reformist discourse and practice about popular drama, and illuminates their social and political significance. It starts with a general survey of Peking opera performances in late nineteenth-century Shanghai, which is followed by analyses of Chinese intellectuals’ advocacy for the reform of popular drama in the 1900s. The third and fourth sections concentrate on innovations in dramatic theme by local theaters. While the former looks at the general politicization of new Peking opera plays, the latter pays particular attention to theaters’ adaptation of contemporary political events and figures for operatic performances. Besides, local theaters also introduced new performing methods,                                                                                                                                   As a review in 1911 points out, local theaters strove to carry out innovations of Peking opera because the entrepreneurs knew that it was “the principal tactic of competition.” Pianyun, “Juping” [Drama review], Xinwen bao, September 14, 1911, (2). See for example, Li, “Opera, Society and Politics,” Chapters and 5; Goldstein, Drama Kings, Chapter 4; Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (shangjuan), Chapter 9; Fang, “Xiyuan yu qingmo Shanghai gonggong kongjian de tuozhan.”     120 especially the application of Western-style stage sets, which will be investigated in the fifth section. The last part is devoted to philanthropic performances that burgeoned during this period, an important historical phenomenon that has long been ignored. In general, this chapter argues that the pressing political situation at the beginning of the twentieth century stimulated radical innovations in public operatic entertainment life, which in turn facilitated the popularization of modern political discourse and the reorganization of individual-state relationship when China transformed from an empire to a nation-state. Peking Opera Performances in the Late Nineteenth Century Ever since its introduction in 1867, Peking opera had dominated daily performances of theaters in late Qing Shanghai. The primary type of performances was zhezi xi 折子戏 (selected-scene plays). As the term suggests, those plays were not complete in themselves. Rather, they were selected parts of complete plays produced and accumulated during the formation course of the genre. Without identifiable initial composers, most plays were orally imparted from one generation to another in the theatrical circle but seldom formally scripted. The themes were usually adapted from ancient Chinese historical stories, popular novels, and folk legends, many of which were well known even among illiterate people. The original complete plays varied considerably in length. While a short play could be finished in a couple of hours, a long one might take several days or more. Theaters presented complete short plays occasionally, but seldom staged long ones. More often than not, players just performed the most popular parts of whole plays, which were thus called “selected-scene plays.” Having prevailed since the late Ming, such a form of operatic performance proved to be     121 fairly suitable for commercial theater, for it enabled the audience to enjoy a variety of plays at a time. According to Luo Suwen’s statistics of one week in March 1882, six theaters in Shanghai staged 698 plays in all, more than sixteen per day by each on average.4 The vast majority of them were undoubtedly selected-scene plays. Since many plays were repeatedly performed over time, opera fans were familiar with their general plots and lyrics. Each play had highlights of singing and acting which a talented player often performed with his unique style and exclusive skills. When watching a selected-scene play, therefore, it was more players’ performing skills than dramatic plot that most spectators appreciated. In addition to existing plays, as noted previously, local theaters often arranged new ones as a way to promote business. Between 1887 and 1905, more than 1,000 advertisements about new plays were published in Shen bao.5 Some were recomposed based on earlier versions or plays of other genres, while others were original products by local players. Most new plays had conventional themes, but there were also some adapted from contemporary national events and local news. In August 1887, for example, Liuchun Chayuan 留 春 茶 园 (Retaining Spring Teahouse) staged Xianshi bao 现世报 (Retribution in This Life), a play based on a local case of murder and arson.7 During the last two decades of the century, a number of plays concerned with the warfare between the Qing government and rebels, especially the Taiping Rebellion, were produced by local theaters. Different from selected-scene ones, a new play had to be presented from the beginning to the end because its plot was unfamiliar to                                                                                                                                   Luo, “Lun jindai xiqu yu dushi jumin”, p 217. Statistics according to Lin, You Shenbao xiqu guanggao kan shanghai jingju fazhan, pp. 437-615. Some players, such as Wang Hongshou and Zhao Songshou, were known for their outstanding talent in arranging new plays. Haishang Shushisheng, “Liyuan jiushi linzhua lu,” three, Xiju yuekan 1, (Aug 1928); nine, Xiju yuekan 1, 12 (Jun 1929). “Xianshi baoying” [Retribution in This Life], Shen bao, August 6, 1887, 5. Aili Laoren, Tongguang liyuan jilue , p. 55.     122 spectators. Their length varied as before. The performance of a short play could be presented in one night show, whereas a long one cost several nights or more.9 Meanwhile, local theaters initiated efforts to elaborate stage sets and props. Sets and props for operatic performances in late imperial China appeared to be rather simple in general. More often than not, a colorful cloth with auspicious patterns was used as the backdrop for different plays despite the variance of themes, and no curtain was installed in the front of the stage. Covered with embroidered cloths, one table and a couple of chairs constituted the basic stage sets which, through different arrangements, could refer to various indoor or outdoor physical circumstances. Temporal and spatial changes were suggested more through players’ words and movements than through switches of sets, leaving much to the spectator’s imagination. Regardless of the historical period of dramatic themes, costumes were usually in the style of the Ming dynasty. Most small props were wooden fakes, while large ones, such as vehicles or animals, were commonly invisible and implied by players’ acting. The primary reason for the simplicity of sets and props seems to be economic.10 As a commercial theater usually staged a few selected-scene plays in a show, it would be costly to prepare different sets and props for each of them. Another significant reason was that, square in shape and small in area, the stage of teahouse-theater was unsuitable for wide application of sets and props. Nevertheless, as long as physical and economic conditions allowed, fancy sets and props were often used to make operatic performance more enjoyable visually. For instance, a grand three-story stage was erected in the Summer Palace of the Qing rulers, and the performances often required the application of mechanical devices and marvelous sets and                                                                                                                                   Haishang Shushisheng, “Huruan jubu shiyi zhi,” nine, Xin sheng [Heart voice] 3, (1923). 10 Tuian, “Xitai zhi yanjiu” [Research on the stage], Xi zazhi (Sep 1922); Zhou Yibai, Zhongguo xiqu lunji [A collection of discussions about Chinese drama] (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1960), pp. 178-179.     123 props.11 In spite of the unchanged stage structure, theaters in late nineteenth-century Shanghai paid increasing attention to stage sets and props, especially in new plays, so as to draw more spectators. Fake buildings, vehicles, and creatures were sometimes constructed onstage, while real weapons, living animals, and exotic things appeared in performances as well. Qing-style clothes started to be used in plays with contemporary themes. The most sophisticated sets and props were applied in dengcai xi 灯彩戏 (colored-lantern plays). Characterized by novel stage design rather than dramatic plots or players’ skills, colored-lantern plays first appeared in Shanghai in the 1860s and flourished during the following decades.12 One representative play was Douniu gong 斗牛宫 (Palace of the Dipper and the Altair) staged by the Red Cassia Teahouse in 1885. In addition to numerous colored lanterns and gorgeous costumes, magnificent settings of the heavenly palace and garden were elaborately arranged onstage; mechanical devices enabled players to move upward riding artificial cranes, while magic tricks turned a beauty on a painting into a genuine person. Despite its mediocre plot, the play indeed amazed the audiences and brought the entrepreneur a great fortune.13 The progress of stage design should be partially attributed to Western influences, both materially and culturally. There were no professional set designers in local theaters at the time, and sets and props were largely designed and produced by Chinese artisans with traditional skills. Nevertheless, some new technologies and facilities imported from the West, such as gaslights (later electric lights) and mechanical devices, were applied in set construction. Spectacular sets of Western theatrical performances in the Lyceum Theater,                                                                                                                                   11 Zhong Laoren, “Juchang bujing jiguan yange kao” [Investigation of the evolution of theater sets and gimmicks], Xiju zhoubao [Theater weekly] 1, (Nov 1936). 12 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” seven, Xiju yuekan 1, (Mar 1929). 13 Haishang Shushisheng, “Liyuan jiushi linzhua lu,” nine.     124 which deeply impressed Chinese patrons, might have inspired local theaters to improve stage design. By the end of the century, a few theaters probably had tried Western-style painted backdrops in performances, for which, it was claimed, European painters were hired. 14 However, fundamental innovations in stage design did not take place until the early twentieth century, when the alternation of political situation and the architectural transformation of local theaters caused more radical changes in the theatrical landscape of Shanghai. The Appeal for Reform China at the beginning of the twentieth century was pregnant with changes. Facing those internal and external crises, Chinese elites struggled to find a way out. While some still placed hopes on peaceful reform to rescue the empire, others turned to radical revolution aiming to change the polity fundamentally. From both camps, many intellectuals paid particular attention to popular drama, and regarded it as an effective vehicle to promote social and political progress.15 However, embedded with traditional values and ideas, existing plays could by no means assume such a destiny. A vigorous appeal for reform of drama thus arose in the Chinese intellectual circle. Popular drama played an important role in sociocultural integration in imperial China, but its implications had always been controversial. Drama’s                                                                                                                                   14 For two detailed examinations of Peking opera stage design in late Qing Shanghai, see Shen Dinglu, “Qingmo Shanghai de wutai dengcai” [Stage sets and props in late Qing Shanghai], Zhonghua xiqu [Chinese traditional drama] (Mar 1990): 238-251; Lin, You Shenbao xiqu guanggao kan shanghai jingju fazhan, pp. 299-322. 15 For a more comprehensive discussion on the interplay between China’s political situation and intellectual world around the turn of the twentieth century, see Li, “Opera, Society and Politics,” pp. 45-55. Li holds that, though Chinese intellectuals’ increasing attention on drama had profound intellectual roots, the Boxer Rebellion directly stimulated their attempt to use drama as a means of mass enlightenment.     125 potential contribution to moral edification and social harmony was widely acknowledged. While the government always encouraged plays illustrating orthodox ideological doctrines, such as loyalty and filial piety, local elites often made use of popular drama as a means to maintain and strengthen the existing social structure.16 Notwithstanding, as noted earlier, some conservative elites regarded popular operatic entertainment as a kind of money-wasting activity that brought about few benefits but caused moral degeneration and social turbulence. From the Yuan Dynasty, imperial governments were always suspicious about drama’s possible threat to political stability because of its potential as a channel for subversive messages. Popular dramatic activities were not completely prohibited but discouraged in general, and various decrees were promulgated to regulate commercial theaters.17 However, China’s modern intellectuals reappraised popular drama at the beginning of the twentieth century. For the first time in Chinese history, drama was declared to be the most powerful tool for social enlightenment and political mobilization, and the 1900s saw the publication of numerous articles illustrating the necessity to reform drama. The best known piece was Lun xiqu 论戏曲 (On drama) by Chen Duxiu 陈独秀 who announced that “the theater is truly a great school for the people under heaven; performers are indeed teachers of the people of the world.” While other media, such as schools, novels, and newspapers, could just enlighten part of the population, Chen argued, “only reformed drama could move the whole society, because even the deaf could see it and the blind could hear it.”18 Another article discussed the importance of drama reform to political                                                                                                                                   16 For a case study on local elites’ manipulation of popular drama to maintain social and moral order in late imperial China, see Guo, Ritual Opera and Mercantile Lineage. 17 For edicts regarding popular operatic entertainment in the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, see Wang, Yuanmingqing sandai jinhui xiaoshuo xiqu shiliao. 18 San’ai, “Lun xiqu” [On drama], Xin xiaoshuo [New fiction] 2, (Mar 1905). Fu Jin ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan [Compilation of historical documents about Peking opera: the Qing Dynasty] (Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2011), Vol. 8, pp. 719-721.     126 great fame. 89 Although, as previously noted, painted backdrops had been occasionally used by local theaters in the late nineteenth century, the New Stage was widely regarded as the first to adopt them in Peking opera performance. The huge success of the New Stage generated enormous impact on the local theater world. Almost all major theaters established thereafter not only imitated its architecture but also followed its steps in the wide application of scenery. New technologies and facilities were constantly introduced to create more magnificent scenes. As stage sets increasingly constituted an indispensible part of daily performances in the leading theaters, it became a crucial factor in business competition. Advertisements often publicized that new sets were imported from foreign countries for a play, or that Western stage designers were employed to draw backdrops and arrange sets. When Blood of Hubei premiered in January 1912, for example, the Great Stage announced it would present at least nine settings depicting “fierce battles on land and water, all brand new, ingenious, and lifelike, which will make spectators’ flesh creep as they were in the battlefields themselves.”90 Opened in 1912, the New New Stage advanced stage sets of Peking opera to a higher level. Complete equipment for set construction was imported from Japan, including ten cylinders, and a Japanese technician was employed to operate it.91 Through electrical techniques, the equipment could create changeable, spectacular natural scenes, such as whistling wind, falling raindrops, crashing thunder, and the sun, the moon, stars, and clouds moving up and down on the backdrop, “making the audience lost in astonishment.”92                                                                                                                                   89 Shu, “Hubin baijing: wutai xinji” [One hundred sights in Shanghai: stage with new machines], Shishi bao tuhua xunbao [Ten-day pictorial of the Current-event news] 11, (Jun 1909). In Qingmo minchu baokan tuhua jicheng [Collection of newspaper pictorials in the late Qing and early Republic], ed. Guojia Tushuguan Fenguan (Beijing: Quanguo tushuguan wenxian suowei fuzhi zhongxin, 2003), Vol. 18, p. 8007. 90 “Ezhou xue,” Shen bao, January 22, 1912, 4. 91 Ligong, “Haishang jushi cangsang tan” [Talks about the vicissitudes of theatrical affairs in Shanghai], Xi shijie, March 20, 1936, 3; March 22, 1936, 3. 92 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” seven.     149     Figure 10. One scene of A Wronged Soul in the World of Opium Addicts by the New Stage Source: Heiji yuanhun tushuo [Pictorial A Wronged Soul in the World of Opium Addicts] (Shanghai: Wenming shuju, 1911). In Jingju lishi wenxian huibian, Qingdai juan, ed. Fu, Vol. 9, p. 567. Props for Peking opera performances were upgraded as well. Since new plays were mostly set in contemporary China or foreign countries, various exotic or modern things often appeared in the performances. One stage photo of A Wronged Soul in the World of Opium Addicts shows that the props included modern things such as a bicycle and a fire hose (Figure 10). The expansion of the stage enabled the employment of large props. Some theaters even advertised marvelous scenes of real fire or water. The Great Stage, for instance, promised in May 1912 to present a scene of “real fire all over the stage” in one performance of Blood of Hubei.93 Likewise, when the New Stage restaged The New Camellias in 1915, it was declared that 100,000 pounds of water would fill the stage in a battle                                                                                                                                   93 “Da Wutai wu liu ben Ezhou xue” [The fifth and sixth episodes of Blood of Hubei by the Great Stage], Shen bao, May 1, 1912, 5.     150 scene, which was “unprecedented in Chinese drama.”94 The authenticity of these advertisements is difficult to verify, but some contemporary reviews did mention amazing scenes of fire or water in performances. Fine stage sets were mostly applied in performances of new plays and considerably contributed to the success of some. For example, A Wronged Soul in the World of Opium Addicts was often presented by the New Stage with elaborate sets and props, which further promoted its popularity. A novel published in the 1910s depicted in detail the experience of several gentlemen who attended one performance. The business was more thriving than usual because of the play. Amused by the extraordinarily lifelike scenes, spectators even doubted whether the performance was dramatic or real, which facilitated its illustration of the evil of opium.95 One review of Blood of Hubei held that though the acting and plot had obvious flaws, the vivid sets of mountains, water, rain, fire, the council chamber, offices, and the hospital, made the audience feel as if they were right in the scenes.96 An article in 1913 even suggested that ordinary audience members were fond of new plays largely because of their fantastic sets and accessible dialogues rather than the subjects and plots.97 Sometimes, traditional plays were staged with elaborated sets also. For example, the fancy scenery of the New New Stage was first applied in the performance of a traditional play, Yubei ting 御碑 亭 (Imperial Stele Pavilion).98 As with the architectural transformation of local theaters, the advancement of stage sets and props owed much to the influences of Western and Japanese theatrical culture. In addition to the demonstration effect of European theatrical                                                                                                                                   94 “Xin Wutai chongyan qiben baben Xin chahua” [The New Stage re-stages the seventh and eighth The New Camellias], Shen bao, June 15, 1915, 12. 95 Sun Jiazhen, Xu haishang fanhua meng [The sequel to the dream of Shanghai splendor] (Nanchang: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 1989), pp. 60-61. 96 Jianer, “Xi ping,” Shen bao, May 15, 1912, 9. 97 Xuanlang, “Lun bianyan xinju zhi qucai” [On the choice of subjects for the arrangement of new plays], Shen bao, March 19, 1913, 10. 98 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” seven.     151 performances in the Lyceum Theater, Wang Zhongsheng’s attempt to stage The Black Slaves' Appeal to Heaven there in November 1907, which employed “vivid backdrops of gardens, mountains and waters, and the storm,” possibly provided the direct inspiration to local theaters.99 A handbook of Shanghai in 1913 reads: “Recently, local theaters sometimes perform new plays similar to Western drama, paying great attention to stage sets, which is also one of the reformist initiatives.”100 The influence from Japan was particularly noteworthy. According to Ouyang Yuqian, the New Stage in the early period totally imitated Japanese theaters in terms of stage sets.101 Similarly, other modern theaters established in the following years mostly imported stage facilities and, sometimes, hired technicians from Japan. Economic considerations for that were beyond question, but the primary reason was probably Japan’s high level of set construction. Wang Tao, who visited both Europe and Japan in the late nineteenth century, regarded Japanese stage sets to be superior to European ones, for the scenes were extraordinarily lifelike and could be switched in a split second.102 Aside from theatrical performances, the realistic tendency emerged in many other artistic realms in early twentieth-century Shanghai. That, Chen Jianhua suggests, had much to with the introduction of modern printing and photographing technologies.103 If the progress of stages sets in late nineteenth-century Shanghai was still developing within the range of Chinese dramatic conventions, the innovations by                                                                                                                                   99 “Chunyang She yanju zhuzhen guanggao,” 1; Xu, Huaju changshiqi huiyilu, p. 20. 100 Huang Renjing, Huren baojian [A precious mirror for Shanghianese] (Shanghai: meihua shuju, 1913), pp. 120-122. 101 Ouyang, Ziwo yanxi yilai, p. 102. 102 Luo Sen, He Ruzhang, Wang Tao, and Huang Zunxian, Riben riji, Jiawu yiqian riben youji wuzhong, fusang youji, riben zashishi [Diary in Japan, Five travelogues in Japan before 1894, Travelogue in Japan, Poems of miscellaneous events in Japan] (Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1985), p. 441. 103 Chen Jianhua, Cong geming dao gonghe: Qingmo zhi minguo shiqi wenxue, dianying yu wenhua de zhuanxing [From revolution to republic: the transformation of literature, film and culture in the late Qing and Republican times] (Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2009), p. 213.     152 local theaters at the beginning of the new century marked a new era, as they strikingly changed the appearance of Peking opera entertainment. The physical environment of dramatic scenes, which used to be largely imaginary or symbolic, now came to be visible and lifelike. Somehow echoing the suggestions of reformist advocates, it profoundly affected both players’ acting onstage and the audience’s reception of performances. The visual effect became increasingly important for operatic performances, though it might be too much to argue that the emphasis of theatrical experience had essentially shifted from the aural to the visual aspect. Laikwan Pang suggests that local theaters’ integration of visual modernity into Peking opera performances facilitated the genre’s survival and prosperity in early twentieth-century Shanghai.104 Indeed, the advancement of stage sets enriched the expressiveness of Peking opera, and broadened the spectatorship of the genre. Furthermore, as I will illustrate in the next chapter, local theaters furthered the elaboration of stage sets to such a high extent in the 1920s that it came to be regarded as the primary characteristic of Peking opera performances in Shanghai. Philanthropic Performances and the (Re)public In addition to the bold innovations in the content and form of Peking opera, the beginning of the twentieth century witnessed the rise of philanthropic performances by local theaters. Shows were often staged not to make profits but to raise funds for disaster relief all over the country, or for local public institutions such as schools and hospitals, or even for political campaigns. The prevalence of philanthropic performances had multiple social and political significance. As an                                                                                                                                   104 Pang, The Distorting Mirror, p. 134.     153 emerging phenomenon in Chinese cities, it indicated the expansion of social functions of the theater as an urban space, which was conditioned by contemporary political circumstances; on a broader level, it revealed and also promoted the reorganization of the individual-state relationship as China transformed from an empire into a republic. In imperial China, philanthropy was carried out largely by the government or civil charity organizations led by social elites, and philanthropic ideas were derived from ancient people-oriented thoughts, Confucian benevolence, Buddhist mercy and karma, or popular belief about merit-accumulation.105 Since the mid Qing, some social organizations, such as native-place associations and professional guilds, had played an increasingly active role in civil charity activities.106 Probably because of their nature as recreational places, commercial theaters were rarely used as the site for charity activities dedicated to helping people in difficult positions. In late nineteenth-century Shanghai, commercial theaters started to stage charity performances for disaster relief. Between 1876 and 1879, five provinces in the north of China suffered extreme drought, which resulted in the death of over 10,000,000 people from starvation. The governmental relief turned out to be ineffective because of corruption, and civil relief rose up accordingly.107 On April 26, 1877, Heming Chayuan 鹤鸣茶园 (Crane Cry Teahouse) declared that it would stage philanthropic performances for about fifty days to relieve the famine                                                                                                                                   105 Wang Weiping and Huang Hongshan, Zhongguo gudai chuantong shehui baozhang yu cishan shiye: yi mingqing shiqi wei zhongdian de kaocha [Traditional social welfare and charities in ancient China: an examination focusing on the Ming-Qing period] (Beijing: Qunyan chubanshe, 2004), pp. 299-300. 106 See, for example, William T. Rowe, Hankow: Commerce and Society in a Chinese city, 1796-1889 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984), 317-321; Goodman, Native Place, City, and Nation, pp. 121-125. 107 See for example Zhou Qiuguang and Xu Meihui, “Wanqing shiqi zhongguo jindai cishan shiye de xingqi” [The rise of Chinese modern philanthropy in the later Qing Dynasty], Xinan jiaotong daxue xuebao (shehui kexue ban) [Journal of Southwest Jiaotong University (social sciences)] 7, (Aug 2006): 133-138.     154 in Shandong, during which the theater would save costs by all means, and the managers would not be salaried. Except for rent and board expenses, all profits would be used to purchase food and transport it to Shandong.108 These were probably the first charity performances held by Chinese commercial theaters. Though the method was somewhat similar to the conventional way that table tenders contacted the theater to gain an extra income (see Chapter 2), the initiative was more likely inspired by Western residents. In February 1877, an article in Shen bao applauded the news that British residents held a philanthropic performance in Shanghai for the families of victims of the wreck of a British warship. Another two-day charity show by French residents one year earlier, which was dedicated to the relief of a famine in France, was also mentioned. The author called on local theaters to imitate the method and raise money to relieve people in northern disaster-stricken regions.109 It was in such a background that the Crane Cry Teahouse made the first attempt, followed by another theater which submitted   the   funds   it   collected   to   a   governmental   institution   instead   of   purchasing   relief   supplies   themselves.110 Besides, a few more philanthropic performances were held by local theaters in the late nineteenth century, either on entrepreneurs’ own initiatives or upon the request of local elites or charity organizations. Almost all of them were dedicated to the relief of natural disasters in other regions. Local theaters became much more active in charity activities at the beginning of the twentieth century, and philanthropic performance underwent significant development in many aspects. First and foremost, philanthropic performances were staged much more frequently than before. While there were just several                                                                                                                                   108 “Xizi zhuzhen” [Playing income for relief], Shen bao, April 26, 1877, 5. 109 “Lun yanxi jiuzai shi” [On staging performance for disaster relief], Shen bao, February 8, 1877, 1. 110 “Jiule yuan shuntianle ban jingqi” [Notice from the Following Heavenly Happiness Troupe of the Long Happiness Teahouse], Shen bao, May 11, 1877, 5.     155 recorded philanthropic performances during the late nineteenth century, more than thirty were held in the 1900s.111 Cooperative shows were presented sometimes. In 1900, for instance, all local Peking opera theaters (including a female one) held in cooperation two rounds of money-raising performances for Jiuji Hui 救济会 (Relief Association), a charity organization founded in Shanghai to relieve people in Beijing and Tianjin suffering from the warfare caused by the Boxer Rebellion. 112 In comparison with their precursors, entrepreneurs of modern theaters appeared to be more enthusiastic about charity. The New Stage held at least eight philanthropic performances in 1909. 113 Sometimes, theater entrepreneurs even bore the expenses of performances, so as to show their devotion to philanthropy. Meanwhile, charitable purposes came to be more diverse. In addition to urgent disaster relief, an increasingly number of performances were staged for local modern public welfare undertakings, such as hospitals, orphanages, and schools. Lacking substantial governmental support in the troubled times, those institutions desperately needed financial aid from the society. In mid-April 1908, for example, the Red Cassia Teahouse devoted a charity show to an orphanage.114 On May 1, 1910, the Great Stage presented a performance to raise funds for the construction of dormitories at an elementary school. 115 Philanthropic performances for hospitals were more commonplace. In June and July of 1913, all of the three leadings theaters staged fundraising shows for China’s first epidemic diseases hospital which was founded under the direction of local elites.116 Benefit                                                                                                                                   111 Statics based mainly on Shen bao, Xinwen bao, and Tongguang liyuan jilue. Continuous performances by one theater for the same charitable purpose count as one. 112 Aili Laoren, Tongguang liyuan jilue, pp. 119-120. 113 See Shen bao of 1909, June 11, 3(3); June 25, 1(7); July 3, 1(7); July 8, 1(7); July 23, 1(7); October 16, 1(7); December 10, 3(3); and Xinwen bao, June 25, 1909, 3(3). 114 “Yanju zizhu guzi yuan” [Staging Performances to support an orphanage], Xinwen bao, April 15, 1908, 3(2). 115 Advertisement of the Great Stage, Shen bao, April 30, 1910, 1(7). 116 “Da Wutai wei Zhongguo Gongli Yiyuan choukuan” [The Great Stage raises funds for the Public Hospital of China], Shen bao, June 23, 1913, 12; “Shangban Xin Wutai wei shishi yiyuan     156 performances for political campaigns first appeared during the 1911 Revolution. Upon the revolutionaries’ request, almost all local Peking opera theaters held performances to raise money to pay the soldiers of the Northern Expedition Army in late December 1911. 117 Meanwhile, community organizations and even individuals also initiated fundraising performances for the revolutionary army in commercial theaters.118 However, the trend declined soon after the Revolution. In the first years of the Republic, the majority of philanthropic performances remained for disaster relief or local public welfare. As philanthropic performances became increasingly fashionable, besides theaters’ staff, people with different social backgrounds partook in them. Since the late nineteenth century, amateur players, mostly elite-class members, had occasionally performed in theaters to amuse themselves and also to show off in public, for which they were not paid as a rule. Burgeoning charity performances provided local amateurs with ideal opportunities to display both their operatic skills and “enthusiasm for public welfare.” In early twentieth-century Shanghai, local elites often joined in charity performances themselves.119 Participating in public sociopolitical life actively, students from modern schools sometimes used theaters to present fundraising performances for educational or other purposes. For example, in June 1912, some students performed in Xingui chayuan 新桂茶                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                 yiwu yanju buqu tiefei” [The merchant-managed New Stage stages benefit performance for the epidemic diseases hospital without taking allowance], Shen bao, July 4, 1913, 12; “Dangui diyitai chujiuri rixi buzhu shiyi yiyuan jingfei” [The Red Cassia First Stage devotes the day show of the ninth to financial aid to the epidemic diseases hospital], Shen bao, July 8, 1913, 12. 117 “Fashang Qun Wutai chuwuye junbu zhuxiangxi” [Performances to help raise soldiers’ pay for the military department on the fifth by the French-merchant-managed Group Stage], Shen bao, December 22, 1911, 1(8); “Si wutai yanju zhuxiang guanggao” [Advertisement for four theaters staging performances to help raise soldiers’ pay], Shen bao, December 26, 1911, 1(8). At least one more fundraising show was presented by the New Stage, see “Xin Wutai Xia Yueheng xianyi zhuxiang” [Xia Yueheng of the New Stage performs to help raise soldiers’ pay], Shen bao, January 24, 1912, 4. 118 See, for example, “Yanxi zhuxiang” [Staging performance to help raise soldiers’ pay], Shen bao, December 8, 1911, 1(1); “Couzi yanju zhuxiang” [Assembling money to stage performances to help raise soldiers’ pay], Shen bao, December 8, 1911, 2(3). 119 For a comprehensive examination of elite amateur players of Peking opera in early twentieth-century Shanghai, see Chapter 5.     157 园 (New Cassia Teahouse) in order to raise guominjuan 国民捐 (citizens’ donation), a measure by which the revolutionaries intended to solve the financial shortage at the beginning of the Republic.120 Even some famous courtesans, despite their conventional low social status, showed operatic skills onstage for charitable purposes. In June 1908, for instance, a few celebrated courtesans staged benefit performances in a female theater, the whole income of which was donated to a local hospital. 121 Those amateur participants commonly won high compliments from public opinion. Wealthy people constituted the majority of spectators for philanthropic performances, for the ticket prices were usually much higher than usual. In 1900s, whereas the price for a fine seat in a teahouse was about one or two jiao in normal times, a spectator often had to spend one yuan or more to attend a charity performance, which was unaffordable to ordinary people. Nevertheless, as the capacity of theaters expanded and philanthropic performances prevailed in the early twentieth century, the spectatorship broadened accordingly.122 In addition to the purchase of tickets, spectators often donated during performances as well. Furthermore, under the influence of the Drama Reform Movement, new plays were often produced for philanthropic performances. Some plays generally advocated social reformism or patriotism, while others matched specific charitable purposes. For example, in order to raise money for Zhongguo Zixin Yiyuan 中 国 自 新 医 院 (Chinese Self-Innovation Hospital), the Red Cassia Teahouse staged in May 1908 yishi xinxi 医事新戏 (medical new play) which illustrated the incompetence of Chinese midwives, so as to show the perfection of                                                                                                                                   120 Jianer, “Xi ping,” Shen bao, June 11, 1912, 3(3). 121 “Yanju xiangzhu yiyuan” [Staging performance to aid hospital], Xinwen bao, June 19, 1908, 3(2). 122 A report in 1909 described that, after watching a philanthropic performance at the New Stage, an old lady, who was in plain clothes and purchased a second-class seat, generously donated for the relief of drought in Gansu. Though the story might be fictional, it reveals that ordinary people by then had been attending philanthropic performances as well. See “Baihua” [Vernacular], Xinwen bao, June 29, 1909, 4(2).     158 Western medicine.123 When local theaters held charity shows in June and July of 1909 to relieve the great drought in Gansu province, the performances included two new plays depicting the disaster, namely Gansu hanhuang 甘 肃 旱 荒 (Drought famine in Gansu) by the New Stage and Ganmin lei 甘民泪 (Tears of people in Gansu) by the Spring Cassia Teahouse.124 Similar plays were arranged by amateur players as well. Temporarily produced in a hasty way, most of those new plays were performed just once or a few times and never restaged thereafter. According to contemporary records, considerable funds were raised through philanthropic performances sometimes, especially those held by modern theaters. Most people preferred to purchase tickets for charity performances rather than simply donate money.125 While one charity show in a teahouse might raise no more than several hundred yuan, another in a modern theater often collected over two thousand because of the greater capacity and higher fees.126 Even so, the amount of money was still a fraction of the need in most cases. Compared with fundraising results, the sociopolitical significance of philanthropic performance deserves more attention. Different from daily performances, philanthropic ones were dedicated to “public” purposes. It provided a new channel through which people participated in social and political life, though their motivations could be rather diverse. While theater entrepreneurs held charity performances perhaps in hope of                                                                                                                                   123 “Yanju zizhu yiyuan” [Staging performance to support hospital], Xinwen bao, May 22, 1908, 3(2). 124 “Xin Wutai chushiri zhunyan gansu hanhuang xinxi zhuzhen” [The New Stage will stage a new play about drought in Gansu on the tenth to help relieve the disaster], Shen bao, June 25, 1909, 1(7); “Chuigui Chayuan Ganmin lei” [Tears of people in Gansu by the Spring Cassia Teahouse], Shen bao, July 3, 1909, 1(7). 125 Zhengqiu, “Jubu chunqui,” Minquan huabao. Fu ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, Vol. 9, p. 825. 126 A charitable day show by the Spring Immortal Teahouse in November 1905 collected about 153 yuan, see “Xizi zhuzhen” [Performance income helps relief], Shen bao, November 16, 1905. One by the New Stage in June 1909 collected more than 2,200 yuan. “Baihua,” 4(2). Another by the Great Stage raised over 2,800 yuan, not including hundreds of yuan of donations. “Yanju zhuzhen zhi yongyue” [Enthusiasm about the relief performance], Shen bao, May 24, 1911, 2(4).     159 winning reputation so as to promote daily business, courtesans and players might have wished to grasp the opportunities to raise their conventional low status; local elites probably got involved intending to accumulate social capital so as to maintain their superior positions when the political circumstances changed, whereas the revolutionaries possibly expected to reinforce their new-found legitimacy through public fundraising shows. Notwithstanding, both the participants and spectators were usually applauded for their public spirit, regardless of the amount of money collected. Philanthropic performances established new socioeconomic and even emotional connections among people of divergent social backgrounds, including the advocates, sponsors, organizers, players (both professional and amateur), spectators, and those to whom the performances were dedicated. Crossing conventional social boundaries, those connections helped cultivate a new urban “public” that was crucial to the sociopolitical climate of modern Shanghai. The vast majority of philanthropic performances had political implications to varying degrees. Whereas comments about charity shows in the late nineteenth century were largely based on conventional thoughts of benevolence and kindness, the relevant remarks in the new century often featured nationalistic sentiments. For example, one article in 1907 celebrated a philanthropic performance by professional players as a “chivalrous act” which proved that “the hearts of our countrymen are not dead yet.”127 Disaster-relief shows, while certainly promoting universal benevolence, tended to evoke spectators’ love of countrymen as well, which contributed to the imagination and construction of modern national identity. The combination of patriotism plays and charitable purposes often acquired good results. For instance, the New Stage presented a new play, Countrymen are Patriotic, on April 16, 1911 to raise funds for one local autonomous organization.                                                                                                                                   127 “Lun jinri yanju zhuzhen shi” [On the relief performance today], Shen bao, January 19, 1907, 2.     160 It was reported that the spectators were moved to tears while watching a scene in which the people of a kingdom were so bullied by foreigners that some even committed suicide together; when the King discussed self-strengthening methods and cried aloud, donations from spectators fell upon the stage like raindrops. The reporter thus remarks: “It could be seen that the patriotism of our countrymen was evoked suddenly. Is that a sign of the self-strengthening chance (for China)?”128 Even charity shows for local public welfare often intertwined with national politics. When the Great Stage held a fundraising performance for Zhongguo Gongli Yiyuan 中国公立医院 (Public Hospital of China) in June 1913, for example, the advertisement highlights that the hospital was initially a result of local elites’ fight for sovereignty against foreign colonizers.129 It goes without saying that benefit performances for the revolutionaries had a stronger political dimension. Given the specific historical context of the beginning of the twentieth century, it was not surprising that the sponsors and organizers often intended to make philanthropic performances not only events to raise money or to celebrate kindness, but also occasions for social education or political mobilization. While echoing the advocacy of drama reform, it also somehow carried on the tradition of ethical edification by charity organizations in late imperial China.130 When local theaters held fundraising performances for the revolutionary army in December 1911, the advertisement in fact read like a war proclamation against the Qing: “Our countrymen have suffered from the despotic governance by the northern                                                                                                                                   128 “Shangyuanhui yanju choufei jisheng” [Record of the spectacular fundraising performances for the Commercial Corps], Xinwen bao, April 17, 1911, 3(2). The plays most likely depicts a foreign story, but the script is unavailable. 129 “Da Wutai wei Zhongguo Gongli Yiyuan choukuan” [The Great Stage raises funds for the Public Hospital of China], Shen bao, June 23, 1913, 12. 130 For a profound study on charity organizations’ function in terms of ethical edification in late imperial China, see Angela Ki Che Leung, Shishan yu jiaohua—Ming Qing de cishan zuzhi [Benefaction and edification—charity organizations in the Ming and Qing] (Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2001).     161 barbarians [i.e. the Manchu] for more than two hundred and sixty years. … As long as the puppet court is not overthrown and the Republic not established, negotiations are nothing but stalling tactics.”131 New plays were produced to “educate” spectators, and performances were sometimes accompanied with mobilizing speeches. For instance, in order to raise funds for the Public Hospital of China, the Great Stage presented Zhuquan minming 主权民命 (Sovereignty and People’s Lives) in June 1913, a new play illustrating the founding process of the hospital. Shen Zhongli 沈仲礼, the principal founder of the hospital, was invited to give an on-the-spot speech, and a noted doctor made a guest appearance in the performance as well, acting himself investigating the epidemic disease.132 The case also demonstrates that in philanthropic performances, the boundary between dramatic representation and reality appeared much more blurred than in ordinary ones at that time. Both the popularity of reformed new plays and the prevalence of philanthropic performances reveal local theaters’ deep involvement in contemporary sociopolitical life at the beginning of the twentieth century. However, such a tendency waned in the early Republican period. According to a theater announcement in July 1913, fundraising performances by then had become a spent force. A show held by the Red Cassia First Stage earlier that month collected less than 1,000 yuan in all.133 The frequency of philanthropic performances held by local theaters obviously reduced in the late 1910s. One possible reason for that was that they were increasingly abused by some for personal interest, which negatively affected the public’s participation.134 When charity shows revived in Shanghai in the 1920s and 1930s, their political                                                                                                                                   131 “Si wutai yanju zhuxiang guanggao” [Advertisements of four theaters’ benefit performances to raise soldiers’ pay], Shen bao, December 25, 1911, 1(8). 132 “Da wutai wei Zhongguo Gongli Yiyuan choukuan,” 12. 133 “Zhixie gouzhu shiyi yiyuan xiquan” [Notice to appreciate those who purchased tickets for the fundraising performance for the epidemic diseases hospital], Shen bao, July 15, 1913, 12. 134 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” two.     162 implications had reduced considerably as the historical context changed.135 The politicization of Peking opera declined in the first years of the Republic as well. One reason was that the performances did not suit the entertainment tastes of common spectators. An article in 1913 read: “Lacking both the art of singing and magnificent costumes, new plays reply only on the decoration of stage sets to dazzle people. As a matter of fact, they are much less pleasing and enjoyable than old ones. Therefore, theatergoers often say that an old play is worth listening to one hundred times, whereas a new one deserves no more than once.”136 A more fundamental reason was the change in political situation. The 1911 Revolution overthrew the Qing court but did not bring peace and prosperity. While previous political rhetoric started to lose its luster, local players failed to provide any alternative discourse appealing to the public.137 Consequently, the attraction of plays with political or politicized subjects decreased in general. Since the late 1910s, Peking opera performances in local theaters had gradually became dominated by another type of new plays combining long mythical stories of ancient China and tricky mechanical stage sets. This was a development which few modern intellectuals obsessed with the future of China would applaud but one which was embraced by the petty urbanites.                                                                                                                                   135 See Chapter 5. 136 “Lun Gailiang jiuju” [On the reform of old drama], Shen bao, January 7, 1913, 10. 137 Ouyang, “Tan wenming xi”, p. 57. Though Ouyang’s discussion focuses on civilization plays, some of his theses could be applied to reformed new plays of Peking opera as well, for there was much similarity in themes and performing style.     163     164 [...]... In the meantime, the theater, which was the only large one in the Chinese territory then, also somehow served as a public platform for the revolutionaries to confirm and strengthen their legitimacy in the turbulent political circumstances at the beginning of the Republic era Presenting Lifelikeness Aside from the adoption of new themes, local theaters also initiated various innovations in performing... of the theater who participated in the uprising as well.78 On July 13, Sun once again inscribed a curtain with the phrase “Jingshi zhong” 警 世 钟 (World-warning bell), which was sent to the New Stage accompanied by a military band along the way When the curtain was carried to the stage, the audience shouted together the slogan “Long live the Republic!”79 These praises certainly honored the New Stage In. .. political events and figures by local theaters, which further upgraded the interrelation between Peking opera and politics Dramatizing Politics During the last years of the Qing dynasty, as political reform became a consensus of the government and the public, national politics drew increasing attention from the people Catering to public curiosity, commercial theaters in Shanghai had been arranging new plays... commercial theaters Concentrating the most numerous Chinese modern intellectuals, Shanghai became the forefront of the movement As China’s leading center of modern publishing industry, the city facilitated the formulation of reformist opinions and their diffusion all over the country Various newspapers and magazines provided the primary platform for intellectuals to make their voice heard by the public In. .. whether the revolutionaries were pleased to see themselves be dramatized on the stage They might have intended the theater to be a public political classroom, as the Jacobins did during the French Revolution, but little was done in practice to realize that.76 Nevertheless, the revolutionary regime seemingly appreciated local theaters’ support and contribution to the revolution In February 1912, when the. .. origin that produces lasting effects Karl, Staging the World, p 29     133 other European powers Premiered when the Russo-Japanese War was under way in the Korean Peninsula and northeastern China, the play’s political message was fairly clear As Chen Qubing 陈去病 remarked, Wang produced the play in hope of “taking a faithful record of the partition of a European country as a mirror of China’s future. 36 ... After enjoying a short revival due to the popularity of plays about family issues, nevertheless, their market shrank radically in the late 1910s, and some talented players, such as Ouyang Yuqian, joined in Peking opera theaters after their societies dissolved.56 The thematic innovations of Peking opera at the beginning of the twentieth century had considerable political significance Produced at the time... jiqi suo fanying de shehui xintai” [The development of current-event plays during the Ming and Qing dynasties and the social mentality that it reflected], Zhongyang yanjiuyuan jindaishi yanjiusuo jikan [Bulletin of the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica] 31 (Jun 1999): 1-48 27 “Restricting theaters,” Shen bao, July 29, 1895，4     130 article in 1895 spoke highly of Zuogong pingxi 左公平西 (General... vanished since the late 1900s While the modernization of theater buildings and facilities laid the necessary material foundation, the joint-stock system provided strong financial resources for set construction Besides, some Chinese painters with proper knowledge about Western painting had been ready to serve in commercial theaters as China’s earliest set designers.85 The primary change was the extensive... realistic painted scenery, which the New Stage pioneered once again Established in 1908, the theater had a spacious half-moon stage that was equipped with advanced facilities, including a mechanical rotating device, modern lighting, hanger rods in the flies, and a huge act curtain in the front Meanwhile, the audience’s path of vision was greatly improved Taking these advantages, the staff integrated . to maintain social and moral order in late imperial China, see Guo, Ritual Opera and Mercantile Lineage. 17 For edicts regarding popular operatic entertainment in the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties,. Harmonious singing and dancing remain commonplace, When colorful (foreign) flags are wavering in the wind everywhere. Who will bother to care about the fate of the country? In the whole city. outrages in northeast China, the suffering Chinese, and the way to resist Russia in cooperation. 20 Another recommended the adaption of foreign historical stories, such as the partition of Poland,